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Turkey Silenced Its Oldest Paper. It Took One Unnamed Post.
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Turkey Silenced Its Oldest Paper. It Took One Unnamed Post.

If you're tired of censorship and dystopian threats against civil liberties, subscribe to Reclaim The Net. Turkey’s oldest newspaper is posting under a new name this week and the switch wasn’t a branding decision. A court in Elazığ ordered X to block Cumhuriyet’s account across the country, and the paper changed its handle to stay reachable. The Elazığ 2nd Penal Judgeship of Peace built the order on Article 8/A of Turkey’s Internet Law, the clause that lets the state cut off any content it can tie to national security, public order, crime prevention, public health, or the right to life and property. The Freedom of Expression Association, İFÖD, surfaced the ruling on June 2. The official ground was “protecting national security.” What the court would not say is which post crossed the line. İFÖD reported no details about the actual reason and that silence does real work. A justification this broad hands the government a button it can press against almost any outlet without ever describing the offense. The newspaper is left guessing at its own crime. Cumhuriyet answered by moving from @cumhuriyetgzt to @cumhuriyetgzt1, a workaround meant to keep its 3.4 million followers within reach. EngelliWeb, the censorship-tracking platform İFÖD runs, reported that once the paper abandoned the old handle, another account grabbed @cumhuriyetgzt and X then suspended it, for reasons nobody has explained. As of that Wednesday, İFÖD said X still had not made the newspaper’s account inaccessible inside Turkey. So the order sits on the books while enforcement stalls, and the original name has become contested ground. The company usually does what these courts ask, though it has occasionally refused. Some history sharpens the picture. Cumhuriyet has printed since 1924, longer than any paper in the country and its name translates to “republic.” Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who founded the republic itself, helped start it. The state is now blocking a publication older than the modern Turkish nation and named after it. The same law did near-identical work a few hours earlier, against reporting the public had every reason to read. Turkey’s internet authority, the BTK, blocked four articles on the news site Kısa Dalga, again under Article 8/A. The pieces formed a dossier called “The Visa Empire,” or Vize İmparatorluğu, written by journalist Canan Coşkun. She said on social media the series wasn’t finished and more was coming. The censorship arrived first. The reporting went after a tangible target. It traced the Turkish operations of VFS Global, the visa-outsourcing firm, alongside its local partner Gateway Management and the company’s owner, Halis Ali Çakmak. It dug into alleged ties to former Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, allegations of a monopoly over visa appointments, a black market in slots, and fees that climbed toward 300 euros a person. The series was part of an international investigation coordinated by Lighthouse Reports, spanning 14 outlets across 12 countries. It described how VFS turned optional add-ons, things like VIP lounges, SMS alerts, courier delivery, and document scanning, into costs applicants couldn’t really avoid. Look at what earned the national-security label here. The blocked reporting covered overpriced visa appointments and a businessman’s reach into a former minister’s orbit. National security stretches to fit whatever the government finds inconvenient, which is the entire appeal of writing the rule that loosely. The people who decide what counts as a threat are the same people the threat-label protects. The block didn’t make the questions go away. The visa story reached parliament when Burak Dalgın, a lawmaker from the opposition İYİ (Good) Party, put questions to Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, citing the international investigation and asking whether Turkish authorities knew what was going on. The government, in other words, censored the reporting and then fielded questions about its substance in the same stretch of days. By the account of the Stockholm Center for Freedom, a minister has since acknowledged complaints about visa brokers, though the allegations tying former minister Çavuşoğlu to Gateway went unanswered in parliament. A state that calls a story a security threat one day and discusses its contents in the legislature is protecting itself from embarrassment. The reporters saw the block coming. All four articles sit on the Wayback Machine, archived before the state could erase them, the kind of defensive habit journalists develop only after censorship becomes routine. And it is routine. Turkey blocked more than 300,000 web addresses in 2024, a national record. The Media and Law Studies Association counted at least 49 social media accounts belonging to journalists and outlets blocked since January. İFÖD logged a single February 2025 order that took down 126 X accounts at once, again in the name of national security and public order. A renamed handle and an archived link are what’s left when a court decides a phrase outranks the public’s right to read. Cumhuriyet kept its audience by relabeling itself. Coşkun’s readers can still find “The Visa Empire,” but only by knowing to look on an American archive site instead of the Turkish web. For everyone who didn’t know to look, the censorship worked exactly as designed. If you're tired of censorship and dystopian threats against civil liberties, subscribe to Reclaim The Net. The post Turkey Silenced Its Oldest Paper. It Took One Unnamed Post. appeared first on Reclaim The Net.

Google Wants to Be the ID Checkpoint for Europe’s Internet
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Google Wants to Be the ID Checkpoint for Europe’s Internet

If you're tired of censorship and dystopian threats against civil liberties, subscribe to Reclaim The Net. Google wants to sit between you and the growing list of websites that now demand proof of who you are. The company used its Money 20/20 Europe announcement to confirm that Google Wallet will start holding government digital IDs in select European Union countries this summer, with Ireland, Spain, France, Italy, and Estonia named as the first wave. British Android users get the same capability “soon,” with no firmer date attached. More: The Age Verification Con The selling point is age verification. To enroll, you record a short video of your face, scan a government-issued ID, and hand both to Google so the app can cross-reference them before the credential settles into Wallet. After that, your phone can vouch for your age whenever a site asks. Google has also signed Sparkasse Bank as its first national credential partner for European age checks, which lets the bank’s customers prove they clear an age limit “without revealing personal information, such as their name, address or date of birth.” On the merchant’s side, the claim mostly holds. A liquor retailer or an adult site learns that you passed the check, not your birthday. What the framing leaves out is where Google ends up standing in the transaction. The age check runs through a Google account could now be bound to a real, government-verified identity, which means Google can see that you ran one, when you ran it, and which gate you were trying to clear. The personal data stops flowing to the website but it does not stop flowing toward the company that built the wallet. Google leans on a cryptographic age-check technique it folded into Wallet in early 2025, the kind of system that can confirm a yes-or-no fact without exposing the document behind it. The cryptography is real and genuinely better than handing a bouncer-website a photo of your passport. It also reframes the question rather than answering it. The privacy problem with showing ID to read a web page was never only that the web page kept a copy. It was that you had to prove your legal identity to do an ordinary thing online at all and that someone had to be trusted to broker the proof. Google is volunteering to be that someone, at continental scale. The scope tells you where this goes. In the EU, these IDs cannot yet board a flight or cross a border, so for now their job is online age gating. In Britain, Google has partnered with the Rail Delivery Group so a Wallet passport can confirm eligibility for a discounted Railcard and the company says it is “exploring certification” inside the UK government’s digital identity trust framework that could extend the same ID to alcohol purchases “and more.” Age checks rarely contract once the plumbing is laid. They find new things to check. An updated Secure Payment Authentication feature lets European shoppers confirm a purchase with biometrics alone, skipping the one-time passcode, and Google’s own testing clocked it cutting authentication time by half while lifting conversions by 3 percent. That rolls out with Visa, Checkout.com, Autopay, and Adyen in the UK and Poland in the coming months. Google is solving a problem it helped create. The age verification laws sweeping out of the UK’s Online Safety Act and its American imitators decided that ordinary people should have to prove their identity to read a web page, and now the same handful of companies that lobbied around those laws are racing to become the toll booth. Google Wallet checking your government ID across Ireland, Spain, France, Italy, Estonia, and soon Britain is an infrastructure play, dressed as child protection, that ends with a single advertising company sitting between you and the things you want to do online. If you're tired of censorship and dystopian threats against civil liberties, subscribe to Reclaim The Net. The post Google Wants to Be the ID Checkpoint for Europe’s Internet appeared first on Reclaim The Net.

Germany Fines Citizens a Month’s Wages for Insulting Chancellor Merz on Facebook
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Germany Fines Citizens a Month’s Wages for Insulting Chancellor Merz on Facebook

If you're tired of censorship and dystopian threats against civil liberties, subscribe to Reclaim The Net. A handful of Germans now owe the state money for what they typed under a police Facebook post. Their offense was calling Chancellor Friedrich Merz names. Two of them drew fines of €2,000, roughly $2,326, the larger sum tied to thirty daily income units rather than a flat penalty, which means the punishment scales with how much you earn. The comments landed under a Heilbronn police announcement about Merz visiting the city in October 2025. One user tagged the chancellor “Lügenfritz,” a play on “Lying Fritz,” Fritz being the diminutive of Friedrich. Another went cruder, writing “Ftzn Frieder,” a truncation that points at a German term for a woman’s genitals. Both got the same €2,000 penalty. The Amtsgericht Öhringen in Baden-Württemberg issued the order against the “Lügenfritz” commenter, and it is now final. More: Germany’s War on Jokes Here is the reasoning the prosecutor’s office gave for going after a Facebook insult. The remark, they argued, had the potential of “undermining confidence in the victim’s integrity, because it was liable to foster further negative prejudices or even aggression among like-minded individuals.” A man’s reputation becomes a thing the state protects by fining strangers who comment on a police page. The “victim” is the sitting head of government. The prosecutor acted on an assumed “special public interest,” and Merz himself was never even brought into the case. The legal hook for all of this is Section 188 of the German criminal code, which covers insult, malicious gossip, and defamation aimed at people in political life. It hands officials a tier of protection ordinary Germans don’t get. Insult your neighbor and little happens. Insult the chancellor and a prosecutor in Heilbronn decides whether your sarcasm threatened public trust. The outcomes across these cases expose how arbitrary the line is. Of 39 social media comments the prosecutor’s office reviewed, it dropped 15. Police forwarded 38 comments from under that single post for criminal assessment, and prosecutors sought formal penalty orders in four of them. Calling Merz “Lackaffe,” a “pompous fool,” brought a penalty order too, but that defendant fought back, and the court closed the matter for a €100 payment. That settlement was not an acquittal. A court spokeswoman stressed the dismissal actually assumed the comment was punishable. You pay and the guilt is presumed anyway. Other labels walked free, for now. “Pinocchio” was cleared. So were “Lügen-Kasper” (“lying clown”), “verlogener zweite Wahl Kasper” (“dishonest second-rate clown”), and at least one “Lügenbaron” (“baron of lies”). The Stuttgart and Tübingen prosecutors closed their cases for lack of any initial suspicion of a crime. The Pforzheim office, having received one “Lügenbaron” comment, decided not to pursue it. The office judged the phrase “als eine von der Meinungsfreiheit gedeckte, zulässige Machtkritik;” permissible criticism of power, covered by free expression. So one prosecutor sees protected speech where another sees a crime worth a month’s wages. The citizen has no way to know in advance which office will catch the file, which means anyone tempted to vent at a politician online is now gambling. When the cost of a Facebook comment might be €2,000 and might be nothing, depending on which jurisdiction processes it, the rational move is to say nothing. The chilling effect doesn’t need a conviction rate to work. It needs the headlines, and Germany now has plenty. This is not a one-off either. The crackdowns have been building for years, the most notorious case was the dawn raid on Bavarian pensioner Stefan Niehoff, who has since died, whose home was searched after he reposted a meme calling a government minister a “professional idiot.” Prosecutors are now fielding thousands of these referrals annually, with police and activist monitoring outfits scanning posts and flagging them upward. The opposition AfD has called for Section 188 to be scrapped entirely. The party’s position is that special rights for politicians must not exist and that all citizens have to be treated equally before the law. An attempt to repeal Section 188 already failed in the Bundestag this past January, with every other parliamentary group voting to keep it on the books. What’s left is a law that lets the powerful decide when mockery becomes a crime, applied unevenly across offices that can’t agree on whether “baron of lies” is defamation or democracy. If you're tired of censorship and dystopian threats against civil liberties, subscribe to Reclaim The Net. The post Germany Fines Citizens a Month’s Wages for Insulting Chancellor Merz on Facebook appeared first on Reclaim The Net.

Florida vs. OpenAI: The Fight to ID Every ChatGPT User
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Florida vs. OpenAI: The Fight to ID Every ChatGPT User

If you're tired of censorship and dystopian threats against civil liberties, subscribe to Reclaim The Net. Florida wants a court to force OpenAI to verify how old you are before ChatGPT will talk to you freely and the demand reaches far past the children the state says it wants to protect. Attorney General James Uthmeier filed a civil suit on Monday against OpenAI and chief executive Sam Altman, calling it the first state-led case of its kind. We obtained a copy of the lawsuit for you here. Most of the coverage has gone to the alleged harms. The complaint accuses the company of feeding content unsuitable for children to minors and states that “vulnerable people have been encouraged into suicide.” Uthmeier told reporters, “If this was a human being on the other side of the screen, we would be charging them with accessory to commit murder.” Those are heavy charges and a court will weigh them. More: Florida Gives Tech Platforms Deadline for Age ID Checks The part that touches everyone who opens ChatGPT is the remedy Florida is chasing. The state complains that the free product has “no gatekeeping or age verification mechanism,” and it claims the paid subscription has “no mechanism to verify the age of its users.” It wants a judge to close that gap by ordering verification into place. There is a problem with the second claim. OpenAI announced its age estimation plans back in September and it began rolling out age prediction across consumer plans in January. The system already runs as a form of mass surveillance. It works by watching how you behave, studying how long your account has existed, when you tend to log in, and how you use the product, then guessing whether you are under 18. Anyone the model flags as a minor who is actually an adult has to prove it by handing a selfie or a government ID to a third-party firm called Persona. So the supposed absence of verification is a verification system that runs on behavioral profiling backed by face scans and identity documents. That changes what the lawsuit is actually pushing for. Age verification cannot work without identity verification. To confirm you are not a child, a company has to learn enough about you to rule it out. That means collecting your government ID, scanning your face, or building a profile detailed enough to estimate your age from how you type and when you log in. There is no version of “prove you are an adult” that does not involve handing over something you would otherwise keep to yourself. More: The FSU Shooting Lawsuit That Could Turn ChatGPT Into a Surveillance Tool Florida says this child protection and the harms it describes are not imaginary. The system it would lock in protects nobody’s privacy. A system built to keep kids away from dangerous answers becomes a system that holds the legal identity of every adult who wants unrestricted access. That data stops being hypothetical the moment it exists. Government IDs uploaded to confirm age turn into records that can be breached, subpoenaed, or reused for purposes nobody mentioned at sign-up. The state has run this play before. Uthmeier’s office sued Pornhub’s operator and other adult sites last year under a Florida law requiring them to confirm users are 18 and the attorney general lined the OpenAI case up next to Florida’s effort to keep anyone under 16 off social media. Florida’s proposed injunction would bar OpenAI from collecting data on under-13s without that verified consent and would ironically mean that every user has to have more data collected and profiled. OpenAI has not formally answered the complaint, though it points to the age-prediction tools and parental controls it has already shipped. Whether a Florida court finds those adequate is unsettled. What the case shows plainly is where the pressure on AI companies is aimed. It is aimed at verification and verification is how the anonymous, unidentified user gets engineered out of the picture, one child-safety lawsuit after another. If you're tired of censorship and dystopian threats against civil liberties, subscribe to Reclaim The Net. The post Florida vs. OpenAI: The Fight to ID Every ChatGPT User appeared first on Reclaim The Net.

South Wales Police Log Non-Criminal Islam Criticism
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South Wales Police Log Non-Criminal Islam Criticism

If you're tired of censorship and dystopian threats against civil liberties, subscribe to Reclaim The Net. Step over a line that South Wales Police gets to draw and an officer can open a file on you for saying the wrong thing about Islam. That file can follow you to a job interview, no crime required. The force has told its officers to keep records of conduct it regards as “hostile” toward Muslims whenever that conduct goes past what it deems “legitimate” debate about the religion. Where an officer decides someone has crossed those “boundaries,” the force opens an anti-social behavior incident record. That record then surfaces in enhanced DBS checks, the vetting many employers run before hiring, which means a future boss can see that the police once filed you away as a problem for something you said. Who decides where legitimate debate ends and hostility begins? Under this guidance, a single officer. More: UK Met Police Will Stop Investigating (But Will Still Record) “None-Crime Hate Incidents” According to the Telegraph, the Free Speech Union has demanded the constabulary scrap the policy and threatened a judicial review if it refuses. Its lawyers told the force the internal memo “gives rise to an unjustified chilling effect on lawful expression and belief.” People do not need to be arrested to be silenced. They only need to know a record might be made. People, the lawyers wrote, “are deterred from expressing religious, philosophical or political views, or from manifesting their beliefs, by the knowledge that doing so may result in police categorisation and recording as an instance of hostility notwithstanding the absence of any criminal conduct.” Fear of the file does the censoring before any officer has to. Lord Young, who founded the union, said the policy risks “penalising people for expressing misgivings about Islam,” in his view a clash with statutory free speech protections. He said more on how forces handle the government’s wider definition, warning that public bodies would “gold-plate it, ignoring the free speech protections and penalising people for expressing any misgivings about Islam, even when it’s clear those misgivings are rooted in evidence, not prejudice.” His read on the likely default is officers logging reports of anti-Muslim hostility as anti-social behavior incidents even when those reports sit plainly outside the definition, because the incidents stay disclosable in enhanced DBS checks. There is a national backdrop here. The Labour government rolled out its official anti-Muslim hostility definition in March, after dropping earlier efforts to define Islamophobia following warnings that such a definition would function as a blasphemy law. The government’s version covers “prejudicial stereotyping” of Muslims and those taken to be Muslim, treating them as a collective fixed by negative traits with intent to stir hatred, whatever any individual actually thinks or does. Ministers wrote in explicit safeguards for the right to criticize or mock the religion. South Wales Police took that definition and added wording of its own. That extra language, opponents of the policy argue, hollows out the safeguards the government attached. The force says its definition is not designed to shut down “legitimate discussion, scrutiny, or differing viewpoints,” while still instructing officers to record relevant conduct “appropriately.” Both things cannot comfortably be true at once. You cannot promise open debate and simultaneously order your officers to file paperwork on the people having it. The union’s letter returns to the structural flaw; individual officers should not be the ones ruling on what counts as “legitimate” expression, a setup it says produces “an unacceptable risk of unlawful interference with protected rights.” Asked about it, a South Wales Police spokesman confirmed only that the force had “received correspondence from the Free Speech Union and the matter is ongoing.” The guidance, for now, stands. If you're tired of censorship and dystopian threats against civil liberties, subscribe to Reclaim The Net. The post South Wales Police Log Non-Criminal Islam Criticism appeared first on Reclaim The Net.