Senator Rand Paul just put 41 pages of border records, laboratory findings and internal emails into public view. The paper trail starts in 2018—before anyone had heard of COVID-19. It leads to a traveler arriving at Detroit Metropolitan Airport with three undeclared vials hidden inside paper towel and wax film. And that was not the last time border agents would stop him. The evidence comes from a newly released Customs and Border Protection record, backed by internal emails and laboratory findings. 1/ I asked for the truth about how COVID-19 origins research crossed U.S. borders. Here's what I found: undeclared coronavirus materials moving between American and Chinese labs as far back as 2018 — years before anyone had heard of COVID-19. — Senator Rand Paul (@SenRandPaul) July 24, 2026 Paul’s 41-page document release lays out a timeline centered on University of Minnesota virologist Fang Li and researchers connected to his laboratory. In April 2018, Wuhan Institute of Virology scientist Zhengli Shi emailed Li about monoclonal antibodies for SARS-related testing. She asked whether one of Li’s students could bring the material back to China. Li rejected that specific plan, writing that it was not a good idea given the “current tension between USA and China.” He suggested that another scientist ship the antibodies instead. Six months later, Qibin Geng, a student in Li’s lab, emailed University of North Carolina coronavirus researcher Ralph Baric. Geng said he was preparing to send Baric a protein and live porcine epidemic diarrhea virus, or PEDV, along with a detailed expansion protocol. Then came the airport stop. According to the CBP field report, the traveler arrived in Detroit on November 28, 2018, and did not declare biological materials during the primary inspection. After he was referred for a secondary agriculture inspection, he amended his declaration to include “antibodies.” A physical search of his carry-on baggage uncovered three vials obscured by paper towel and wax film. The traveler told officers the vials had come from Yusen Zhou and were intended for Fang Li. The CBP report identified Zhou as a professor at the Academy of Military Medical Sciences, an institution connected to China’s People’s Liberation Army. 4/ November 2018: CBP officers at Detroit Metro Airport stopped a courier carrying three vials concealed in a paper towel and wax film…all undeclared. He said they came from Yusen Zhou of China's Academy of Military Medical Sciences, intended for Fang Li. — Senator Rand Paul (@SenRandPaul) July 24, 2026 Agents escalated the encounter after hearing his explanation. Homeland Security Investigations and the FBI’s Weapons of Mass Destruction Directorate took possession of the vials. They were sent to the National Bioforensic Analysis Center for testing. The laboratory identified partial immunoglobulin heavy-chain precursor mRNA and partial PEDV spike-protein material, according to the report. That distinction matters. PEDV is a swine coronavirus. It is not SARS-CoV-2, and these records do not say the three vials contained the virus that causes COVID-19. USDA animal-health guidance says PEDV causes diarrhea and vomiting in swine and can be especially deadly for young piglets. The agency states that the virus is not zoonotic, does not affect people and is not a food-safety concern. That separates PEDV from human coronaviruses and from the virus responsible for COVID-19. USDA first confirmed PEDV in the United States in Iowa in May 2013. Animal-health officials then worked with veterinarians, laboratories, pork-industry groups and the FDA to investigate how the disease was spreading among pigs. The federal guidance treats PEDV as a serious livestock and biosecurity problem, not a human pandemic virus. That is precisely why the name of the intercepted material must be reported accurately. That does not make an undeclared transfer of biological material across an international border unimportant. It makes precision essential: the alarm here is the hidden movement of research material, the permit questions and the network described by federal investigators—not a claim that these vials caused the pandemic. The CBP report also examined the people around Li’s lab. It said Geng had earned a degree from Southern Medical University, formerly known as the First Military Medical University of China, and did not disclose military service or affiliation on his visa application. Another researcher in Li’s lab, Chuming Luo, had studied under Shi and listed a thesis topic involving bat-coronavirus receptor analysis, the report said. CBP further noted that Li’s research was supported by National Institutes of Health grants and that his list of collaborators included Shi, Zhou and other scientists with Chinese military or state-linked backgrounds. The report did not announce criminal charges against Li or conclude that his lab created COVID-19. It recommended additional investigation to determine whether the work and scientific advances at issue benefited the United States or China. Then, three years after the first Detroit stop, the same traveler appeared on CBP’s radar again. This time he was attempting to leave the United States for China. A June 2021 incident report says agents found a shipping box containing 132 vials that likely held a species of Drosophila—flies commonly used in biological research. The traveler initially denied carrying biological material, according to the report, before acknowledging that he had about 100 vials of fruit flies and had not declared them because he was unsure whether they could cross the border. Agents also found a laptop issued by a U.S. research institution to another person. The traveler had that person’s username and password with him, the report said. 6/ June 2021: the same courier was caught again — this time outbound to China with 132 undeclared vials and a laptop issued by a U.S. research institution to someone else entirely, credentials included. — Senator Rand Paul (@SenRandPaul) July 24, 2026 One undeclared airport encounter can be dismissed as a reckless mistake. A second encounter involving the same traveler, 132 more vials and somebody else’s institutional laptop is much harder to brush aside. Fox News reviewed the release and traced the same sequence from Shi’s 2018 antibody request to the proposed PEDV shipment, the three-vial interception and the traveler’s second stop in 2021. The outlet reported that Li’s laboratory had received NIH funding and that the DHS material described a research network spanning American and Chinese institutions. Its review highlighted Geng’s degree from a school formerly affiliated with China’s military and the CBP report’s allegation that he had not disclosed military service or affiliation on his visa application. Fox also detailed the 2021 stop, including the 132 vials that CBP believed likely held research flies and the institutional laptop issued to another person. The outlet kept the critical distinction intact: the documented material involved PEDV and antibody-related genetic material, not a finding of SARS-CoV-2. The issue was that the materials were undeclared when federal officers discovered them. Fox News said it had reached out to Li. Paul released the files through The Reading Room, the public archive his Senate committee created for primary-source records connected to its COVID-origins and risky-research investigations. The archive gives Americans something they have been denied far too often in this debate: the underlying documents instead of another official conclusion handed down without the full record. Paul launched the archive as a rolling repository, meaning additional records can be added as the committee’s investigation continues. The site already groups document releases, interview transcripts and internal correspondence into one publicly accessible record. The CBP package includes the committee’s timeline, the underlying 2018 emails, the federal field report and the later airport incident records. Readers can inspect the sequence themselves instead of relying on a single press statement. Those documents do not settle the origin of COVID-19. They do establish that federal border officials had identified undeclared biological materials moving through a U.S.–China research network years before the pandemic—and that the same traveler was caught twice. Congress should now demand the rest of the record. Who authorized the transfers, and which institutions knew? What happened after the laboratory results came back? Were NIH officials informed? And why did it take until 2026 for the public to see a report dated June 15, 2020? Rand Paul has opened the file. Now the agencies and institutions named inside it need to start answering questions. This is a Guest Post from our friends over at WLTReport. View the original article here. The post Rand Paul Releases DHS File From Before COVID — Look What Border Agents Found Hidden At Detroit Airport appeared first on 100PercentFedUp.com.

New Jersey’s explanation for putting 6,600 self-identified noncitizens on its voter rolls has run into a serious problem. The software company blamed by Governor Mikie Sherrill says its system did exactly what the state approved it to do. Even more troubling, the company says New Jersey had the citizenship answer in its database the entire time. New Jersey 101.5 detailed the widening dispute Saturday after IDEMIA senior vice president Lisa Shoemaker challenged the governor’s description of a “serious software error.” Shoemaker said all 6,600 applicants gave two answers: “yes” when asked whether they wanted to register to vote and “no” when asked whether they were United States citizens. The company says both answers were recorded correctly. IDEMIA says the data remained available to the Motor Vehicle Commission and was transmitted to the state Division of Elections. According to the company, no applicant in this group was ever marked as a citizen in the database. The vendor also says the MVC waited until June 2024 to request a rule automatically marking noncitizens as declining voter registration. That date came one year after the faulty registrations began and raises a larger question about the state-approved process itself. The vendor’s first public response showed where it believes responsibility belongs: IDEMIA, the software vendor whose alleged glitch enabled 6,600 noncitizens to register to vote in New Jersey, is out with a CYA statement blaming the state. pic.twitter.com/Em5eHYyi4W — David Wildstein (@wildstein) July 21, 2026 The new statement changes the heart of the controversy. A random software malfunction could explain corrupted or missing data. Correctly recorded citizenship data reaching the election system and failing to stop a registration points to a broken rule, a failed review or both. Sherrill continues to blame IDEMIA and says the company was already being replaced because of broader problems at the MVC. CBS News New York described the standoff between the governor and the vendor after the Department of Justice demanded records on the registrations and ballots. IDEMIA says its job was to transmit the information and that the Division of Elections carried the responsibility for confirming voter eligibility. Sherrill responded that the company remained responsible for what she called a yearlong software failure. The governor has launched a state investigation and ordered the registrations removed. Her administration has also resisted giving the Justice Department the names, addresses and voting information requested by federal officials. New Jersey says it wants to protect personal information and prevent federal “weaponization” of the records. The Justice Department answers that voting by a noncitizen in a federal election is illegal and wants to know who registered, who voted and where those ballots were cast. Those competing claims leave the public without the most important facts. Which state office approved the registration process? Who reviewed the records after the Division of Elections received them? Why did a “no” answer on citizenship fail to stop the registration? The dates deepen the problem. The affected registrations occurred between June 2023 and June 2024 under former Governor Phil Murphy. Sherrill says she learned about them shortly before making the disclosure this month. That means the failure sat undisclosed through major state and federal elections, including the 2024 presidential election. The Republican Study Committee says 19 House Republicans have now demanded a full accounting from Sherrill. The group, led by New Jersey Representative Jeff Van Drew, wants the affected counties and elections identified. It also wants to know whether any race was decided by a margin smaller than the number of ineligible ballots cast in that contest. The lawmakers asked what testing New Jersey performed before and after deployment, what controls now prevent another failure and whether the governor will support documentary proof of citizenship for voter registration. They also pressed the state to cooperate with the Justice Department and Department of Homeland Security. The requested deadline is August 21. Van Drew called the episode a catastrophic breakdown of the most basic election safeguard: keeping ineligible applicants off the rolls in the first place. The congressional demand landed with documents from the state itself attached: Today, I led 18 of my House Republican colleagues in demanding answers from Governor Sherrill. New Jersey admitted that 6,600 non-citizens were registered to vote and nearly 400 cast ballots. Our elections are only as strong as the integrity of our voter rolls. pic.twitter.com/364KmuqyI9 — Congressman Jeff Van Drew (@Congressman_JVD) July 24, 2026 The state’s preliminary count says fewer than 400 members of the 6,600-person group cast ballots. That figure is small compared with New Jersey’s statewide electorate. It is still hundreds above the only acceptable number. The Associated Press reported that New Jersey has about 6.9 million registered voters and that more than 4 million ballots were cast in the 2024 presidential election. The erroneous registrations included Democrats, Republicans and unaffiliated voters. State officials say they have found no evidence so far that the ballots changed an election result, while the geographic and contest-level breakdown remains under scrutiny. New Jersey’s automatic-registration system operates through an agency that also issues licenses and identification cards to noncitizens. The state already possessed a direct citizenship answer from the applicants in this group, making the failed safeguard especially difficult to defend. The individuals told the government they were not citizens. Whatever their party or immigration status, the state had the fact needed to keep them off a federal-election voter roll and still failed to do so. The episode arrives as President Trump presses the Senate to pass the SAVE America Act. The legislation would require documentary proof of citizenship for federal voter registration, strengthen voter-identification rules and require states to remove noncitizens from their rolls. Opponents argue that the documentation rules could burden eligible citizens, especially people whose current names differ from older records. Supporters now have 6,600 New Jersey examples showing the cost of relying on a box, a database and an honor system without a working stop. Sherrill inherited this failure, and she deserves credit for disclosing it and ordering corrective action. She also owes the public an explanation that survives contact with the vendor’s records. If IDEMIA correctly stored every “no” citizenship answer, New Jersey’s problem reaches well beyond one bad line of code. The state had the warning in plain sight, passed the records forward anyway and allowed nearly 400 ballots to follow. That is the question New Jersey has yet to answer. The post New Jersey Blamed A ‘Software Error’ For 6,600 Noncitizen Registrations — Then The Vendor Spoke Up appeared first on 100PercentFedUp.com.

Cori Bush asked supporters to help St. Louis tornado victims through a new nonprofit bearing her political brand. More than a year later, the public still cannot see how much that appeal raised or where the tornado money went. Missouri’s attorney general has now opened an investigation. Fox News revisited the case Saturday and described two fundraising emails signed by Bush after the deadly May 2025 tornado tore through St. Louis. The messages introduced Politivist Power as a new 501(c)(4) organization combining grassroots activism with political strategy. Bush said her team was helping residents on the ground and asked recipients to donate to a tornado fund so the relief work could continue. Each solicitation carried a disclaimer saying contributions to Politivist Power were separate from Politivist Action PAC and were not political donations. That promise makes the relationship between the nonprofit and the PAC especially important. Fox said it could locate no public IRS record showing that Politivist Power had obtained or claimed recognized tax-exempt status, and no public Form 990 has surfaced. Bush did not answer the outlet’s questions about donations, tax filings or the organization’s work. Those missing records raise fair questions, although they do not establish a crime. A 501(c)(4) social-welfare group operates under rules that allow some political activity and provide less donor disclosure than a traditional campaign committee. The Internal Revenue Service says a group intending to operate under section 501(c)(4) generally must submit Form 8976 within 60 days of formation. That notice tells the IRS the organization exists, where it was formed and its stated purpose. The IRS acknowledges the submission, while the notice itself is exempt from the public-disclosure requirement. A group may separately seek a formal IRS determination through Form 1024-A, though that application is optional for organizations operating as 501(c)(4)s. A missing result in the IRS public search therefore cannot prove that no notice was filed. Annual returns offer a clearer public accounting, but timing also requires care. A calendar-year organization’s first Form 990 would normally be due May 15, 2026, and an automatic extension could move that deadline to November 15. The unanswered issue reaches beyond one IRS search. Public campaign-finance filings show repeated financial transactions between Politivist Power and a political committee carrying the same brand. The Federal Election Commission identifies Politivist Action PAC as a hybrid political committee with a non-contribution account. The PAC’s filings list $6,300 in cash receipts from Politivist Power across three transactions: $4,500 in May 2025, $1,000 in September 2025 and $800 in January 2026. The first payment predates the tornado, an important limit on what the transaction proves. The records also list about $24,927 in in-kind fundraising, software and consulting services connected to Politivist Power. Corresponding entries appear in the PAC’s disbursement records as part of the committee’s accounting for those services. The same non-contribution account paid salaries to Bush and her husband, Courtney Merritts, during 2025. Public filings do not trace tornado-relief donations into any particular salary payment, so the records show a financial relationship rather than proof of diversion. That distinction matters because the official investigation began with an allegation, not a finding. Missouri Attorney General Catherine Hanaway says her office is examining whether money solicited for tornado victims moved into political activity or personally benefited Bush. The attorney general announced the investigation in a direct public statement: We have launched an investigation into Politivist Power, an organization affiliated with Cori Bush, after allegations arose that donations solicited for Missouri tornado victims were diverted to Bush's PAC instead of the victims they were intended to help. We will not allow… pic.twitter.com/X8i1RpA4QM — Attorney General Catherine L. Hanaway (@AGCHanaway) July 22, 2026 Hanaway’s office has been equally clear about what it has established so far. Fox quoted the attorney general saying the investigation followed local reporting that donations intended for tornado relief may have gone to political activity. She added that her office did not yet possess independent evidence of that allegation. Bush has not been charged with any wrongdoing. That leaves an investigation with a defined set of questions and no announced conclusion. KSDK first assembled the donor emails, federal filings and public-record gaps that put the issue in front of the attorney general. The station asked Bush how much the tornado appeal collected, where the money went and what role she currently holds with Politivist Power. Bush responded that she could not discuss a PAC as a candidate, even after the reporter clarified that the question concerned the nonprofit. Her campaign then moved the interview forward without supplying the figures. Bush did say that her team had performed relief work after the tornado, but the amount raised and the recipients of the donations remained unanswered. Those basic facts should be easy for any organization soliciting disaster money to provide. Donors deserve a total, a list of relief expenditures and a clear explanation of every transfer between the nonprofit and its affiliated political committee. The timing gives those questions immediate political weight. Bush is trying to win back Missouri’s 1st Congressional District from Representative Wesley Bell in the August 4 Democratic primary. Her campaign message Saturday emphasized getting big money out of politics and putting people over profit: Voters across the country have been sending a message this year: get big money out of politics. I'm proud to have never taken a dime from corporations or AIPAC. Now, we're going back to Congress to put people over profit and fight for Medicare for All, universal childcare, and… pic.twitter.com/GhzNUclqwl — Cori Bush (@CoriBush) July 25, 2026 That promise invites a straightforward test. Bush can publish the tornado fund’s receipts and expenditures, document Politivist Power’s tax filings and explain the transfers already visible in federal records. If the money reached families, supplies and recovery work as donors were told, the books can show it. If the organization received an IRS extension or operated under a valid self-declared 501(c)(4) status, Bush can say so and provide the appropriate documentation. Silence serves no one, especially the residents whose destroyed homes and grief were used to make the fundraising appeal urgent. The attorney general’s investigation should follow the money wherever it leads and publish the facts when the work is complete. Until then, the responsible conclusion is narrow and unavoidable. No wrongdoing has been proven. The public accounting Bush’s donors deserve is still missing. The post Cori Bush Asked Donors To Fund Tornado Relief — Now Missouri’s AG Wants Answers appeared first on 100PercentFedUp.com.

President Trump has opened a federal national-security tool that Congress built in 1996 and every administration since left untouched. The Alien Terrorist Removal Court has received its first case. For three decades, the court existed on paper, its judges were appointed and its rules waited for a government willing to use them. President Trump’s Justice Department has now forced that dormant system into the real world. The target remains unnamed. The alleged conduct and the government’s classified evidence remain sealed as well. One critical fact is public: the government did not receive an automatic green light. The Alien Terrorist Removal Court’s official docket shows a first-ever application filed July 15, an order entered the following day and a Justice Department supplement filed July 22. Those three entries make up the entire public case record as of Saturday evening. The application came from the Justice Department’s National Security Division under the special removal law Congress enacted in 1996. The identity of the respondent, the specific allegations and the classified material offered in support of removal do not appear on the public docket. The court has not publicly approved the application, scheduled a public removal hearing or ordered anyone deported. DOJ has completed the additional filing the judge requested, leaving the next move with the court. That procedural line matters. The Trump administration has activated a power no prior administration used, while an Article III judge is still deciding whether the government has shown enough to advance the first case. National-security researcher Seamus Hughes captured the current posture after DOJ met the court’s deadline: DOJ has filed its supplemental for its first application for the alien terrorist removal court. If approved, the next step according to court officials, is a public hearing. If it is denied, the department has the opportunity to appeal. https://t.co/i2FJ07moAj pic.twitter.com/I9nZw3OyIV — Seamus Hughes (@SeamusHughes) July 23, 2026 Chief Judge Joan Ericksen’s July 16 order reveals the first serious test for the government. She held a hearing one day after the filing, heard arguments from DOJ lawyers and took no sworn testimony. Ericksen questioned the connection between the respondent’s alleged actions and the exact statutory sections the government invoked. The answers convinced her that prosecutors would benefit from more careful consideration before she ruled. She ordered DOJ to provide additional facts and legal analysis sufficient to satisfy its duties under the statute. The department was given until July 22 unless it requested more time, and the new docket entry confirms that the supplement arrived on that deadline. The order is narrow, though consequential. Ericksen did not dismiss the case or approve it; she made the administration strengthen the legal bridge between its classified evidence and the extraordinary removal authority it wants to use. The law itself explains why this obscure court suddenly matters. Congress created the court through the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996. The attorney general must approve an application alleging that a foreign national is an “alien terrorist” whose removal through ordinary immigration proceedings would risk exposing information that could damage national security. The opening stage is heard under seal because the government may rely on classified intelligence. A judge must find probable cause that the person is correctly identified, is present in the United States and fits the law’s terrorism definition before the case can move forward. A successful application does not end the process. It triggers a public removal hearing where the government carries the burden of proving its case and the respondent may be represented by counsel. The statute also requires an unclassified summary of the secret evidence sufficient for the respondent to prepare a defense. Congress gave both sides appeal rights and placed those appeals in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit. The design gives the government a lawful route for a rare problem: how to seek removal when an ordinary immigration case could expose intelligence sources, surveillance methods or other classified material. It also places several brakes between an accusation and a removal order. The attorney general must authorize the filing, a federal judge must approve the initial application, a public hearing must follow and appellate review remains available. The court’s first case has drawn new attention to a legal structure that spent 30 years almost entirely outside public view: Since we broke this story, we've been pushing for more information on the process of the 30 year old federal court that just received its first case. A short thread on what we found https://t.co/yaVp3l3F6d — Seamus Hughes (@SeamusHughes) July 23, 2026 In a public message explaining the court, Ericksen directly rejected the label of a “secret court.” Classified information can remain secret, she wrote, while the court’s existence, procedures and governing law are public. She also emphasized that custody is not automatic when the government files an application. A respondent may hire counsel, and a lawful permanent resident who cannot afford a lawyer may receive publicly funded representation from an attorney with the necessary security clearance. If the first judge grants the application, the respondent receives a public hearing and can appeal an adverse removal decision. A denial can be appealed by the attorney general, while final review involves at least four Article III judges across the original proceeding and appeal. Those safeguards make the current case more revealing, rather than less. The administration chose a demanding legal channel built for classified terrorism evidence, and the presiding judge immediately required a tighter factual and legal showing. The Federal Judicial Center says the court consists of five U.S. district judges drawn from different federal circuits. They serve staggered terms and may also be judges designated for the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court. Its history confirms that the July filing is the first application the court has ever received. The government can prevail only after the initial probable-cause finding and a public hearing at which it proves that the respondent qualifies as an alien terrorist. If DOJ meets that burden, the judge may order removal from the United States. If the government falls short, the court can deny the application, and any appeal runs to the D.C. Circuit. This is a precise instrument for exceptional national-security cases, not a mass-deportation conveyor belt. Each application requires high-level approval, a specific respondent, classified evidence that creates a genuine risk in ordinary proceedings and multiple layers of judicial review. That narrow reach does not diminish the significance of what President Trump’s administration has done. Five presidents had this law available. None brought a case. Now the mechanism is alive, the first respondent is before the court and DOJ has answered a judge who demanded more. The next public order could send the case into an unprecedented open hearing—or hand the Justice Department the first denial in the court’s history. Either way, a federal power that slept for 30 years is silent no longer. This is a Guest Post from our friends over at WLTReport. View the original article here. The post President Trump Just Activated A Federal Court That Sat Silent For 30 Years appeared first on 100PercentFedUp.com.

Rep. Ilhan Omar erupted Saturday after President Trump turned her into one of the night’s sharpest punchlines at the rescheduled White House Correspondents’ Association Dinner. At the podium Friday, the President repeated a long-disputed allegation about Omar’s former marriage, called the Minnesota Democrat a “low IQ person,” accused her of dishonesty, and said she “ought to get the hell out of our country.” Watch the moment President Trump singled her out: Trump: Ilhan Omar and her brother are thinking about moving together. Very much in love. She should get the hell out of our country. pic.twitter.com/3zHOdfreD7 — Acyn (@Acyn) July 25, 2026 Omar did not let that one pass. She answered on X with a furious three-sentence attack of her own: The idiot who runs our country says this but doesn’t have the courage or evidence to come after me. This should tell you how low IQ he is. Trump is who needs to get the hell out of our country because he is destroying it and making us the laughing stock of the world. https://t.co/gFYIPVcSyW — Ilhan Omar (@IlhanMN) July 25, 2026 That is a remarkable response from a sitting member of Congress. Omar did not offer new evidence in the post. She called the President an idiot, accused him of destroying America, and declared that he should leave his own country. The White House posted the complete 64-minute video of President Trump’s remarks at the Waldorf Astoria. The Omar exchange begins roughly 46 minutes into a wide-ranging dinner speech built around political jokes, media jabs, and roasts of public figures. The full video shows the exact sequence. President Trump first made the marriage joke, then referenced Omar’s viral “World War Eleven” verbal stumble before calling her low-IQ and dishonest. The recording verifies what the President said and when he said it; it does not by itself establish the underlying marriage allegation as fact. After the Omar passage, the President moved into comments about scrutiny of her finances and then continued through a long list of political targets. He later closed the speech wearing a red “Trump 2028” hat while joking about another run for the White House. The Washington Examiner reports that about 700 people attended Friday’s smaller do-over at the Waldorf Astoria, compared with roughly 2,600 at the original April event. Guests passed through tighter security after an armed attacker breached a checkpoint at the first dinner and forced the program to be rescheduled. The event was President Trump’s first White House Correspondents’ Dinner as a sitting president. He faced a room packed with members of the same press corps he has battled for years, stayed for the awards, delivered more than an hour of remarks, and said he planned to return next year. Fox’s David Asman captured the conservative reaction to the night: Think what you will of him…No president in my life has the stones of this guy. After 3 attempts on his life, he’s showing us how to stand up to political violence. And other than a few exceptions he’s been quite gracious to these people. Great night for America. pic.twitter.com/t4ptjCZj3R — David Asman (@DavidAsmanfox) July 25, 2026 One factual boundary belongs on the record: the claim that Omar married a biological brother has not been established as fact. Omar has repeatedly denied it. The Star Tribune reviewed marriage and divorce filings, business and university records, social-media material, and state campaign-finance findings. Its reporting found unresolved inconsistencies and unanswered questions in Omar’s marriage history, but no conclusive public evidence establishing that Ahmed Nur Said Elmi was her biological brother. The newspaper also found little publicly available information about Elmi and noted that some older social-media material had disappeared. It reported that reliable family documentation can be especially difficult to recover for refugees who fled countries with damaged or limited government records. Those gaps left room for continued questions. They did not turn the allegation into a proven fact. That makes President Trump’s line a political jab built on a disputed allegation, not a proven adjudication. Omar’s response, however, is not in dispute. She published every word under her own name. President Trump took the microphone in a room full of hostile media, cracked the joke, and kept moving. Omar went to X and unloaded. She may have wanted the last word. Instead, she showed exactly how hard the joke landed. This is a Guest Post from our friends over at WLTReport. View the original article here. The post Ilhan Omar ERUPTS After President Trump Roasts Her At White House Correspondents’ Dinner appeared first on 100PercentFedUp.com.