“Have some caviar,” President Richard Nixon said, offering a tray with the chilled delicacy on it to Ray Price and me. “It’s from the Shah. We won’t be getting any more of that.” President and Mrs. Nixon had invited Ray and me to join them and Julie and David Eisenhower for Thanksgiving dinner in the fall of 1979 at Casa Pacifica in San Clemente, California. I had joined Ray on the former president’s small editorial staff the previous fall and our work on Nixon’s second book since his resignation, The Real War, was nearing completion. The Nixons were readying to leave California for New York City. Much of the previous fall and winter had been spent researching and writing what RN called his cri de coeur, “addressed not only to our political leaders but to leaders in all walks of life —to take hold before it is too late, and to marshal America’s strengths so as to ensure its survival.” Nixon’s writing process was intensely iterative. Dozens of drafts of every page, with corrections, additions and deletions appended to every version circulating between we three in San Clemente, Todd Leventhal in D.C., along with the regular input of some giants in the field of national security — Ambassador Robert Ellsworth, General Vernon Walters, Professor William Van Cleave of USC., and the soon-to-be Secretary of the Navy John Lehman. A near final draft was carried to Pat Buchanan in McLean, Virginia, and returned the next day with the same precision and sharpening that Buchanan had, with Ray and William Safire, brought to Nixon’s foreign policy speeches throughout his presidency. Nixon’s first book after his resignation, RN, looked backwards. Once it was done, Nixon only looked forward. The Real War is at least the equal of any of his 10 books and it was a comprehensive account of his world view. The Soviet Union loomed at the end of the Carter presidency as America’s most powerful adversary. But among the book’s through lines is Iran —not surprising given that its writing occurred in parallel to the events of 1978-1979. In those few months Iran plunged first into unrest, then revolution in 1978, regime change in 1979, and then the long hostage crisis which had begun only weeks before our Thanksgiving dinner. “Iran has been plunged into bloody chaos and turned overnight from a bastion of Western strength to a cauldron of virulent anti-Westernism, its oil treasures lying provocatively exposed to lustful Russian eyes,” Nixon wrote on page 3 of The Real War. Near the end of the book, the former president reflected on his visit to the exiled Shah in Cuernavaca Mexico in July 1979. The two deposed leaders had known each other for more than 40 years. Nixon had first met Reza Pahlavi in 1953, visited him often during Nixon’s wilderness years in the 1960s, and exchanged state visits after Nixon won through the turmoil of 1968 to gain the White House in 1969. It did not surprise that the exiled president — San Clemente was for six years the Elba of America — visited the exiled Shah in Mexico in the summer of 1979 or that Nixon would attend the Shah’s funeral in Cairo, Egypt, on July 30, 1980. Nixon was the only major American representative and the only high-ranking dignitary from the West in attendance. Nixon did not forget friends. He would return to Egypt on October 10, 1981, as part of America’s official delegation to the funeral of the assassinated Anwar Sadat, a delegation led by Secretary of State Alexander Haig and which included former Presidents Jimmy Carter, Gerald Ford, and Richard Nixon. President Reagan asked the former presidents to represent America’s long friendship with Egypt and to signal that ancient kingdom could count on America in its moment of peril. Richard Nixon meets Shah of Iran Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, his wife Farah Diba, and their son Prince Reza Pahlavi, 19, at a country club in Cuernavaca. (Photo by michael norcia/Sygma via Getty Images) In the fall of 1978, the president, Ray, and I would often watch network news in the president’s office overlooking the Pacific, reports of the growing unrest in Iran. The near daily bulletins and broadcasts intensified as the Iranian Revolution gathered force and the Shah was obliged to abdicate and leave his country on January 19, 1979. The ominous-looking Ayatollah Khomeini returned to Iran from his exile in France on February 1. The Revolution soon began to eat its own as the mullahs consolidated power, established the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps to protect the clerics, and began a campaign of assassination and terror that spanned the globe. The young adults of Iran were part of the 1978-1979 revolution, Nixon wrote in the book that this age cohort included “particularly those who had gone to school in the United States…” They had “joined [the Shah’s] opponents and insisted he abdicate so that democracy and human rights, American style,” Nixon continued, believing those rights “could come immediately to Iran.” “Instead of rights, they got Islamic dictatorship.” Much earlier in The Real War, Nixon had expressed in text what he would often exclaim out loud in the old “Western White House” complex on the U.S. base adjacent to Casa Pacifica, sometimes rising from his chair or couch which faced the office’s one television, raising his hands in disgust and disbelief at what the networks were showing. Nixon knew the scale of the disaster unfolding before our eyes. “The downfall of the Shah was a stunningly ominous event for the remaining monarchs of the Gulf as well as for the countries of the industrial west,” was how he reduced his vast frustration with President Carter into words. “The Shah provided the muscle that protected the rich but vulnerable Saudis,” among the many strategic advantages Iran brought the West. As a 23-year-old, the lessons I learned watching RN watch the Iranian Revolution and then write about it were clear and remain clear and true. The world is a hard and dangerous place, and even the mighty United States has formidable enemies and needs stalwart friends to help keep Americans and their interests safe. The realities of the world had not changed since Thucydides wrote. Nixon was a walking encyclopedia of history, a statesman of the first rank on issues of national security. He came to office with more than a half million American soldiers deployed in Vietnam. He knew the cost of war. He knew the cost of losing them and of losing allies. He tried to convey the most important lessons he had learned from success and failure on the international stage. “We must never set higher standards of conduct for our friends than for our enemies,” Nixon inserted into one of his reflections on the Iranian Revolution. “Above all, in the future we must stand by our friends or we will soon find that we have none.” The conclusion that continues to resonate today, 46 years after The Real War published: “The tragedy of Iran is a case history of what happens when the United States fails to distinguish between authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, between those that provide some human rights and those that deny all, between those who are our staunch allies and friends and those who are our potential enemies” What most Americans do not recall about the Iran of the Shah, included in The Real War, was that “[i]n less than twenty years he had brought Iran into the twentieth century,” that the Shah had massive land reform which distributed wealth and power from the clerics, and “[i]n what amounted to a revolutionary change in Moslem Iran, women were given full political rights over the bitter opposition of traditional Islamic leaders.” Now as the battle rages throughout the Middle East, the United States is locked in open battle with a formidable foe that has chosen to be at war with us and our allies Israel and the Gulf states rather than agree to conduct itself as a non-nuclear civilized state and not a radical theocracy bent on exporting the revolution it was built upon. It has been nearly 50 years since I watched and wrote about Iran with RN. Nothing has changed about the strategic centrality of the ancient state and civilization in Iran. Much has changed in America. President Trump conducts national security affairs with the clear-eyed realism that Nixon embodied. It is no surprise that 45-47 is acting as 37 almost certainly would have advised him to: Offer peace, but if it comes to blows, strike hard, fast, and relentlessly to achieve what was rejected. * * * Hugh Hewitt is the host of “The Hugh Hewitt Show,” heard weekday afternoons from 3 PM to 6 PM ET on the Salem Radio Network. Hewitt is also a Fox News contributor and columnist. The views expressed in this piece are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The Daily Wire.

The New York Police Department is searching for a suspect who allegedly pushed two men onto the subway tracks at an Upper East Side station on Sunday morning. Police told The Daily Wire that the unidentified individual shoved an 83-year-old man and a 31-year-old man onto the southbound “F” train tracks at the Lexington Avenue–63rd Street station at approximately 11:41 a.m. Bystanders quickly pulled both victims back onto the platform before an approaching train arrived. The men were transported to a local hospital with non-life-threatening injuries. The suspect fled in an unknown direction. The New York Post reports the suspect was last seen wearing a gray jacket, red hat, tan pants, and green shoes. As of Sunday evening, no arrests have been made.  The attack comes as the city is on edge after two bombs were thrown into a crowd of protesters by suspect Emir Balat and Ibrahim Nikk who is accused of supplying the device. Witnesses said that Balat yelled, “Allahu akbar” as he threw the weapon on Saturday. On Sunday afternon, officers investigated East End Avenue between East 81st and East 82nd street where investigators located a car that belonged to one of the arrested protesters. The FBI stated their Terrorism Task Force is investigating the matter along NYPD and the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York. The New York Police Department did not indicate Sunday’s subway attack had any relation to the incidents involving Balat and Nikk but confirmed the subway attack is still under investigation.

The FBI is reportedly looking at an attempted bombing in New York City as a potential act of terror after at least one of the suspects — who wielded a homemade bomb at a protest outside Gracie Mansion the day before — claimed that he had been inspired by ISIS. NBC News correspondent Tom Winter reported on Sunday that one of the suspects referenced ISIS directly in statements to law enforcement after his apprehension, prompting the terror probe. CNN reported that both suspects admitted to being “inspired by ISIS,” but said that officials do not believe that there is a connection between the New York City attack and the military action unfolding in Iran. WATCH: Emir Balat and Ibrahim Nikk, the two NYC terrorists who hurled an IED at protestors were reportedly inspired by ISIS. pic.twitter.com/gPiNeC0FoM — Thomas Hern (@ThomasMHern) March 8, 2026 “Law enforcement sources [are] also telling us that the two suspects that were arrested in relation to those explosive devices have admitted to being inspired by ISIS,” correspondent Gloria Pazmino reported. According to a report published Sunday by CBS News, the FBI’s Joint Terrorism Task Force has taken over the investigation into Emir Balat, 18, and Ibrahim Kayumi, 19 — both of whom live in Pennsylvania — after a lab in Quantico confirmed that what appeared to homemade bombs were not “hoax devices” but deadly Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) using components that have been seen in previous terror attacks. The devices, two sources told CBS, contained sports drink bottles filled with explosives that were set inside glass jars packed with nails, bolts, and screws. The explosives were connected to a firework described as an “M-80-type” with a fuse. The sources said that the explosive material inside was called triacetone triperoxide, or TATP, which is a white powder made from two readily available household chemicals: acetone and hydrogen peroxide. Multiple reports suggest that the investigation is also likely to probe the recent travels of the suspects, both of whom have made extended visits to Istanbul in the last two years. Balat stayed in the Turkish city for months, from early May of 2025 to late August of the same year. Kayumi also traveled to Istanbul, but only stayed for a few weeks in July and August of 2024. He also traveled to Saudi Arabia in March of 2024. Fox News congressional correspondent Bill Melugin also reported that “New York City IED suspect Emir Balat’s parents are both from Turkey & were naturalized into US citizens in 2017, while Ibrahim Kayumi’s parents are both from Afghanistan. Mom naturalized in 2009, dad naturalized in 2004.” New York City’s Democratic socialist Mayor Zohran Mamdani issued a statement about the attack on Sunday, which had taken place as competing protests played out in front of Gracie Mansion. Mamdani specifically named January 6th defendant Jake Lang — who led a protest of about 20 people — and referred to him as a “white supremacist,” saying his demonstration was “rooted in bigotry and racism” and was not welcome in New York City. While he condemned the violent act that followed, he did not mention the names of the terror suspects or their potential inspiration. Instead, he said simply, “The attempt to use an explosive device and hurt others is not only criminal, it is reprehensible and the antithesis of who we are.”

New York City police locked down part of Manhattan’s Upper East Side on Sunday as the investigation into a terror scare near the mayor’s residence expanded after officers discovered another suspicious device. The New York City Police Department warned residents to avoid East End Avenue between 81st Street and 82nd Street as officers responded to what authorities described as ongoing police activity. Later, police confirmed the situation was connected to the investigation into an improvised explosive device used during unrest the previous day. “In connection with the ongoing investigation into the improvised explosive device deployed yesterday, the NYPD has identified a suspicious device in a vehicle on East End Avenue between 81st Street and 82nd Street,” the department said in an advisory. Officers froze the area around the vehicle and began limited evacuations of nearby buildings while the bomb squad assessed the device. In connection with the ongoing investigation into the improvised explosive device deployed yesterday, the NYPD has identified a suspicious device in a vehicle on East End Avenue between 81st Street and 82nd Street. NYPD officers have frozen the area around the vehicle and are… https://t.co/R9LAfVBNep — NYPD NEWS (@NYPDnews) March 8, 2026 The discovery comes one day after a homemade explosive device was thrown during a clash between protesters and counter-protesters near Gracie Mansion on the Upper East Side. The residence is home to New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani. Authorities later confirmed that at least one of the devices used during the confrontation was a genuine improvised explosive device capable of causing “serious injury or death.”  The incident unfolded Saturday when two opposing demonstrations gathered near East End Avenue and East 87th Street. One protest, organized by activist Jake Lang, drew a small group of demonstrators opposing public Muslim prayer in the city. A significantly larger group of counterprotesters also assembled nearby, and tensions escalated between the two sides.  Police said an 18-year-old counter-protester allegedly ignited and threw a device toward the protest area before it struck a barrier and extinguished itself near officers. Investigators said the device appeared to be a glass jar wrapped in tape and packed with metal shrapnel such as nuts and bolts along with a fuse. In a statement Sunday, New York City Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch confirmed that the device used Saturday, “is not a hoax device or a smoke bomb. It is, in fact, an improvised explosive device that could have caused serious injury or death.” After speculation swirled online of the actual threat level posed. Authorities also said the suspect attempted to deploy a second device before officers intervened, arresting two individuals in connection with the explosives. Additional arrests were made during the unrest, including one protester accused of using pepper spray.  The FBI’s Joint Terrorism Task Force has joined the investigation as authorities analyze the devices and determine whether additional suspects or explosives may be involved. The suspicious device discovered Sunday inside a parked vehicle several blocks away prompted a renewed security response as investigators worked to determine whether it is connected to the devices used during Saturday’s confrontation. Police have not yet announced whether the newly discovered device is functional, but the presence of the bomb squad and building evacuations underscores the seriousness of the situation as investigators continue sweeping the area. Mamdani has not provided any statement or comment on the latest development in what seems to be a worrying trend. His remarks on Saturday’s incident split the blame between protestors and counter-protesters. Officials have urged residents to avoid the neighborhood while the investigation continues. Streets in the surrounding area remain closed as authorities assess the device and work to secure the scene.

The next supreme leader of Iran will be the late Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s son, Mojtaba Khamenei, Iran’s clerical body that appoints the country’s supreme leader announced on Sunday. Iran’s Assembly of Experts said the younger Khamenei had been chosen with a “decisive vote” and urged Iranians to rally behind him, putting an emphasis on the “elites and intellectuals of the seminaries and universities.” Prior to the announcement, President Donald Trump said that the next supreme leader is “not going to last long” without U.S. approval. “He’s going to have to get approval from us,” Trump said. “If he doesn’t get approval from us he’s not going to last long. We want to make sure that we don’t have to go back every 10 years, when you don’t have a president like me that’s not going to do it.” The elder Khamenei was selected as supreme leader following the death of the Islamic Republic’s founder, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who overthrew Iran’s dynastic shah during the 1979 revolution. With his son now assuming the position, the transition may raise questions about whether the Islamic Republic is drifting toward another form of dynastic rule.  Mojtaba, a second son and mid-ranking cleric, was selected by the 88-member body following the death of his father, who ruled for 37 years until he was killed at the beginning of the conflict when the U.S. and Israel began to strike key targets on February 28. Mojtaba, 56, has a reputation for being close to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), which is a United States-designated terror organization. He has never held elected office or served in a senior government role. He was suspected of playing a role in the harsh crackdown on the Iranian Green Movement protests in 2009. He served in the IRGC following high school before studying and teaching at an Islamic school. Mojtaba played a central role behind the scenes to assist his father and managed his family’s wealth and business affairs. Mojtaba Khamenei was sanctioned by the United States in 2019, according to the U.S. Department of the Treasury. The Treasury said he was targeted for “representing the Supreme Leader in an official capacity despite never being elected or appointed to a government position aside from work in the office of his father.” According to the department, Iran’s supreme leader had delegated some leadership responsibilities to Mojtaba Khamenei, who worked closely with the commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps–Quds Force and the Basij Resistance Force to advance his father’s destabilizing regional ambitions and oppressive domestic objectives. Last week, Trump called Mojtaba a “lightweight.” “They are wasting their time. Khamenei’s son is a lightweight,” Trump told Axios. “Khamenei’s son is unacceptable to me. We want someone that will bring harmony and peace to Iran.” According to a report from the New York Post citing leaked U.S. diplomatic cables released through WikiLeaks, Mojtaba reportedly sought medical treatment in the United Kingdom for “impotency” after failing to produce children quickly. After multiple visits for treatment, including one stay lasting about two months, his wife was eventually able to conceive. His wife was also reportedly killed alongside his father in the Israeli strike. Before the vote, the IDF warned on its Farsi-language account that Israel would pursue any successor to Iran’s supreme leader. “We want to tell you that the hand of the State of Israel will continue to pursue every successor and every person who seeks to appoint a successor,” the IDF posted.