Manila was considered one of the most cosmopolitan cities in Asia before the Second World War. In 1945, after several years of Japanese occupation, Manila suffered a terrible fate when it was faced with a combination of Japanese cruelty and American firepower. By the time the Americans and their Filipino allies gained control of the city, it was completely devastated and would take years to rebuild. The battle was one of the most devastating instances of urban warfare during WWII.   Manila Under Japanese Occupation Bombing of Manila by Japanese aircraft, 1941. Source: John Tewell, Flickr   One day after Japanese aircraft bombed Pearl Harbor, the Japanese began launching air raids over major sites throughout the Philippines. Tokyo aimed to conquer the Philippines, set up a puppet regime, and seize control of natural resources throughout the islands. This was part of Japan’s plan to create the so-called “Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere,” a euphemism for its Asian empire. After landing tens of thousands of men across the archipelago, Japanese forces seized Manila on January 2, 1942. They subsequently defeated the rest of the Allied garrisons on the islands within a couple of months.   Japan’s military administration of the Philippines was headquartered in Manila, making it the center of power for Japan in the Philippines. For the rest of the war, Japan garrisoned Manila with a mixture of army and navy units to keep order. Members of the Kempetai, Japan’s secret police, worked with local collaborators to hunt down anyone deemed a threat to the Japanese. Citizens of Allied countries were locked up in prisons or internment camps like Santo Tomas, along with American POWs captured during the initial seizure of the islands. Even though Japan granted the Philippines “independence,” it maintained control and employed vicious methods of repression.   Filipinos were used to fighting outside occupiers; they had spent years fighting against Spanish and American imperialism. Now, they sought to work with Americans who escaped the fall of Bataan to fight Japan from the shadows. In addition to spy rings in the city, a group of guerrilla fighters called Hunters ROTC operated near the city and attacked Japanese targets. They waited patiently for the US military to return.   American Landing on Luzon and Advance to Manila American troops landing at the Lingayen Gulf, 1945. Source: National WWII Museum   When General Douglas MacArthur arrived in Australia in 1942 after fleeing the Philippines, he vowed that he would return at the head of an army to liberate the islands. In 1944, he landed on Leyte with the US Sixth Army. Once Japan was defeated there and on Mindoro island, MacArthur’s command, called Southwest Pacific Area Command (SWPA), prepared for the invasion of Luzon. General Walter Krueger’s Sixth Army, initially consisting of the I Corps (6th and 43rd Infantry Divisions) and the XIV Corps (37th and 40th Infantry Divisions), was assigned to land on a stretch of beaches on the Lingayen Gulf in northern Luzon. Afterwards, they would strike south and east to defeat Japanese forces. One of the priority objectives for the Sixth Army was retaking Manila.   On January 9, 1945, the Sixth Army landed at the Lingayen Gulf and proceeded to move inland. Japanese General Tomoyuki Yamashita, commander of the 14th Area Army, had three groups of troops defending the whole island: the Shobu, Shimbu, and Kembo groups. He sought to concentrate his forces in the north of the island and ordered his men to fight a delaying action. Under pressure from American forces and Filipino guerillas, Japanese infantry and armored units withdrew to the center of the island.   General Oscar Griswold’s XIV Corps pushed south from the beaches towards Clark Field, the largest airfield in the Philippines. By the end of the month, they seized it from the Kembo group and advanced to the northern outskirts of the city to link up with American forces that had landed south of Manila.   Japanese Defenses and the Start of the Battle 1st Cavalry Division column advancing on Manila, 1945. Source: Warfare History Network   General Yamashita became concerned that Japanese forces in the Manila area would be cut off by the American advance. When paratroopers of the 11th Airborne Division landed south of Manila, Yamashita ordered the Shimbu Group commander, General Shizuo Yokoyama, to destroy infrastructure and weapons dumps in the city and retreat east. Yokoyama complied, but Rear Admiral Sanji Iwabuchi announced he would remain in the city with over 16,000 sailors and marines to defend the city. Three army engineer battalions remained in the city and joined preparations to defend it.   Admiral Iwabuchi’s Manila Naval Defense Force had eight army and navy battalions in the city and its outskirts. Much of the garrison consisted of crews of sunken ships and did not have training for an urban battle. They did have large stockpiles of weapons and engineering equipment. Multiple lines of defense were dug north and south of the city and buildings were turned into fortresses. Iwabuchi hoped to make the battle as costly as possible for the Americans.   From the north, the 37th Infantry and newly arrived 1st Cavalry Division pushed south on MacArthur’s personal orders. General Joseph Swing’s 11th Airborne Division transferred from the Eighth Army and joined the Sixth Army’s advance. They began to break through the southern Japanese defenses. Griswold’s forces pushed south and liberated the Bilibid and Santo Tomas prison camps by early February. They were joined by Filipino guerilla units including Hunter’s ROTC. By this point, three American divisions with nearly 40,000 men surrounded the city. Iwabuchi’s garrison was cut off.   Crossing the Pasig River and Capturing Nichols Field US troops preparing to cross the Pasig River, 1945. Source: US National Archives   General Griswold’s GIs found themselves facing tougher resistance as they continued deeper into the city. Despite having successfully liberated two prison camps, the Americans still had a long way to go. Japanese defenses north of the Pasig River were meant to be a trip wire but were formidable nonetheless. When American forces secured the north bank by February 6, MacArthur declared total victory prematurely. The 37th Infantry and 1st Cavalry Divisions still had to enter the main areas of the city.   When troops of the 148th and 129th Infantry Regiments attempted to cross the Pasig in small boats, they found themselves under heavy fire from Japanese sailors on Provisor Island. Within a couple of days, they managed to seize the island and create a foothold on the south bank, but resistance was fierce. Admiral Iwabuchi had concentrated elements of five battalions south of the river and Japanese fortifications were strong. The 37th Division pushed slowly southward while the 1st Cavalry Division carried out an envelopment maneuver around the city to meet the paratroopers from the south.   The 11th Airborne Division was not tasked with entering Manila proper. Instead, it was ordered to drive the garrison out of Nichols Field. The 187th and 188th Glider Infantry Regiments advanced along the runways and overran the dug-in defenders. The Japanese had so many naval guns at the airfield that one company commander radioed to his superiors “Tell Halsey to stop looking for the Jap Fleet. It’s dug in on Nichols Field.” By February 12, the Airborne had secured the airfield.   Street Fighting and Clearing Intramuros GIs patrolling the outskirts of Intramuros in Manila, 1945. Source: Army Times   The area south of the river witnessed brutal house-to-house fighting. Japanese forces, surrounded without hope of relief, were determined to fight to the death. They set ambushes for advancing American troops and forced the Americans to turn to heavy firepower. MacArthur restricted the use of air power but consented to artillery and mortars being used in areas with a heavy Japanese presence. American forces destroyed every Japanese position they could with tanks, artillery, mortars, and flamethrowers. The fighting resembled battles in Europe such as Aachen and Berlin.   By February 17 and 18, General Griswold’s forces secured the Rizal Baseball Stadium and the Philippine General Hospital, both of which were major Japanese strongpoints. Reinforced by 1st Cavalry Division troopers, the 37th Infantry Division managed to keep the Japanese pinned in Manila’s old Walled City, known as the Intramuros district. Admiral Iwabuchi unsuccessfully attempted to break out of his encirclement on February 18, leaving 6,000 men trapped in the pocket.   On February 23, American artillery pounded Japanese positions in Intramuros. For the next three days, American troops moved into the district, battling Japanese on every corner. When it became clear that the Japanese were defeated, Admiral Iwabuchi and his subordinates committed suicide. American forces secured major government buildings, including MacArthur’s headquarters from before the war, and ended the battle on March 3 by capturing the rest of the district. For the rest of March, American troops and Filipino guerrillas patrolled the rubble for Japanese stragglers before turning north and east to finish off the rest of Yamashita’s forces.   The Manila Massacre Filipino refugees after their liberation by American forces in Manila, 1945. Source: Naval History and Heritage Command   Amidst the heavy fighting between American/Filipino and Japanese forces, the civilian population of Manila paid a horrible price during the destruction of their city. Of all the Allied cities fought over in WWII, Manila was one of the most heavily damaged, on par with Warsaw. It is estimated that over 100,000 Manileros died during the battle, mostly due to Japanese actions but also due to American firepower. The scale of Japan’s atrocities in the city ranks among the worst war crimes committed by any party during WWII.   Japanese forces had long believed that Filipinos were overwhelmingly hostile to their presence and that they passed information to the Americans. This environment of distrust was compounded by Japanese racism towards non-Japanese. Throughout the battle, Japanese forces gangraped and murdered Filipino civilians in the areas they controlled. In Fort Santiago, Manila Cathedral, and other prominent locations in the city, civilians were gunned down, bayoneted, or beheaded by the Japanese. There is evidence that Japanese officers commanded their men to commit atrocities by claiming every Filipino in the battle zone was a guerilla. For these atrocities, General Yamashita was sentenced to execution by hanging by an American military court after the war.   While American forces did not commit atrocities like these, their firepower devastated entire neighborhoods and killed thousands of civilians in the process. Despite efforts by MacArthur to restrict American firepower, the formidable Japanese defenses meant that the use of heavy weapons was inevitable. As a result, Manila was one of the most destroyed cities on Earth and a textbook case of urbicide. The reconstruction of the city took several years, and while Manila is now a thriving and dynamic city, the legacy of its destruction remains apparent.

  America was founded on the premise of freedom and human rights for all. In the face of a constitution that promised equality, many in America have continually fought to exercise these rights. Numerous marginalized groups have fought for their civil rights in America over the centuries, especially after the conclusion of the Civil War.   In addition to African Americans, women and those of varying races, religions, and preferences have been forced to seek legal help to defend their rights. Congressional legislation has made slow but evident progress in protecting American equality, most notably during the “Civil Rights Era” of the 1960s, and continues to have a lasting impact on modern lives.   Early Civil Rights Actions The Reconstruction Era witnessed significant progress in the realm of civil rights, marked by the election of the first Black members of Congress, as depicted in this Currier & Ives print. Source: Library of Congress   The tenets of the United States promise its citizens rights to political, social, and other freedoms, along with the right to be treated equally. These ideas can be summarized under the term “civil rights.” While civil rights apply to all citizens, certain groups have had to fight to receive and exercise these rights.   Perhaps most notably, African American citizens fought for these freedoms, especially after the conclusion of the Civil War and the banning of slavery in the United States. Congress first took action in this area in 1866, when the first “Civil Rights Act” was passed. “An Act to protect all Persons in the United States in their Civil Rights and furnish the Means of their Vindication” was introduced by Illinois senator Lyman Trumbull. The purpose of this act was to strengthen the application of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which outlawed slavery.   The 1866 act declared all persons in the US to be citizens, regardless of race or color, and guaranteed the rights to make contracts, sue in a court of law, serve as a witness in court, and own property. The bill was vetoed by President Andrew Johnson, but Congress overrode his veto, and the language became law.   An 1871 act strengthened the 1866 act, allowing for action in federal court for the interference with an individual’s civil rights. Further expansion in 1875, sponsored by Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts, guaranteed all citizens access to accommodations, theaters, schools, churches, and cemeteries regardless of race or color. The bill also refers to the free ability to serve on a jury regardless of race.   Moving Backward Marines in Saipan during World War II, 1944. Source: National Archives/Wikimedia Commons   Unfortunately, the progress in the civil rights arena made by Congress during the Reconstruction Era was quashed in 1883, when the 1875 Act was overturned. The reversal by the US Supreme Court cited that the lawmaking was an unconstitutional exercise of Congress’s authority. Despite ongoing efforts to further Reconstruction and promote equality throughout the country, little progress was made in the way of Civil Rights legislation after the repeal of the 1875 law.   As the United States confronted fascism in the Second World War, the American people were also forced to consider equality and democracy in their own country. Jim Crow laws were still in place in many locations throughout the country, yet more than a million African Americans served with distinction in World War II, willing to lay down their life for a country that saw them as less than their compatriots of other ethnicities.   Women were also starting to demand more equality in society, launching the start of the feminist movement in the late 40s. In 1945, the US Congress considered a civil rights bill for the first time in 70 years. This legislation was unable to advance, but the movement was not extinguished. A civil rights bill was introduced every year for the next 12 years before legislation moved forward.   The Eisenhower Justice Department Steps In President Dwight D. Eisenhower helped move through the first civil rights legislation in decades. Source: Eisenhower Presidential Library/Wikimedia Commons   In 1957, President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s Department of Justice submitted a proposal for civil rights legislation and forwarded it to Congress. This bill was approved, resulting in the Civil Rights Act of 1957. This act established a Civil Rights Section within the Department of Justice. It largely focused on voting rights, allowing federal prosecutors to intervene with court injunctions to protect against interference with voting. In addition, a Civil Rights Commission was established, which had the authority to investigate discriminatory practices. While the final bill was weakened due to a lack of support among Congress’s Southern Democrats, it was forward action, the first legislation of its kind since Reconstruction.   Landmark Legislation: The 1960s 12-year-old Edith Lee Payne of Detroit, Michigan, holds a banner at the March on Washington in 1963. Source: Wikimedia Commons   America was on a trajectory to continue the progress made by Eisenhower’s bill. In 1960, an act was passed that expanded the 1957 bill, requiring election officials to make voter registration records available to the Department of Justice. The longest filibuster in Senate history, lasting over 43 hours, impeded the movement of the bill, but in the end, it passed with some edits.   Civil rights became a primary focus of the country as the 1960s progressed. America saw what is now referred to as the “Civil Rights Era.” Figures like Martin Luther King Jr, Malcolm X, and Thurgood Marshall made their mark on America, forcing the conversation America had long tried to suppress into the spotlight. Events such as the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the March on Washington promoted discourse and action. In 1963, the Equal Pay Act was passed, a civil rights measure that helped protect the rights of women in the workplace.   The signing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, with President Johnson at the table in the East Room of the White House. Source: LBJ Library/Wikimedia Commons   However, the major boon for civil rights legislation took place in 1964 with the passing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, now considered a landmark piece of law. This bill banned discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin within the United States in relation to employment, public accommodations, and receiving federal funding. The act, introduced by John F. Kennedy before his assassination and signed into law by his successor, Lyndon Johnson, created the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission to enforce the new law.   In 1965, the act was followed up with the Voting Rights Act of 1965. One noticeable flaw of the 1964 Civil Rights Act was that it failed to address voting rights. Even after the Eisenhower administration’s work in 1957, there were several legal and illegal measures being used throughout the country to prevent Black citizens from voting. President John F. Kennedy addresses the nation regarding civil rights matters, June 1963. Source: John F Kennedy Presidential Library & Museum/Wikimedia Commons   Rounding out the essential civil rights legislation of the 1960s was the Fair Housing Act of 1968, which addressed fair housing practices. It outlawed discrimination in relation to housing and was paired with the Architectural Barriers Act, also in 1968, to further improve housing accessibility to another frequently underrepresented group: people with disabilities.   Continuing the Fight President Lyndon B. Johnson signing civil rights legislation in 1968. Source: Library of Congress/Wikimedia Commons   Throughout the remainder of the 20th century, several laws related to civil rights advanced, including the Equal Educational Opportunities Act (1974), the Pregnancy Discrimination Act (1975), the Age Discrimination in Employment Act (1967, amended in 1975), and the Americans with Disabilities Act (1990). In 1991, another Civil Rights Act was passed. This act amended the 1964 act, strengthening the original law and how it is applied in the workplace. It clarifies the definition of discrimination in the workplace and suggests appropriate remedies for such situations.   Furthering Future Rights? Civil rights are still a concern in modern America. Source: Wikimedia Commons   Though tremendous progress has been made since the humble beginnings of civil rights legislation, concerns still exist. The country is still struggling to fulfill promises of equality for all, and new challenges have arisen. In some situations, it appears that the country has eroded its protections, with divisive rhetoric largely contributing to this trend. In recent years and moving into 2025, migrants, refugees, and LGBTQI+ communities were targets of disproportionate discrimination, and people of color continue to remain marginalized on the federal legal level. Reproductive rights were restricted in 2022, with the Supreme Court’s reversal of Roe v. Wade and subsequent abortion bans in several states.   Efforts to expand civil rights for US citizens are ongoing. Source: Wikimedia Commons   Despite the frustrations that these political and legal actions have presented, numerous groups and organizations remain committed to advancing civil rights legislation. There are efforts underway to expand the language of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to include and protect more classes of citizens. The true application of equality and civil rights for all American citizens does not seem to be a reality anytime soon, but a hope for the future.

@wscevl/TikTok, @roguemarineadventures/TikTokSouth Carolina’s Morgan Island, which is home to thousands of research monkeys, is off-limits to the public. In the relatively few cases of domestic locales that Americans are prevented from visiting, it’s usually for their own safety. For example, there are many places where military activity makes visiting both forbidden and wholly inadvisable. There are also places where nature itself has forced the area to be temporarily closed off, such as the land surrounding an active volcano. But in the case of one South Carolina island that’s off-limits to the public, the reason is a bit strange. In short, it’s overrun with monkeys. South Carolina’s Morgan Island has been an object of fascination and fear ever since monkeys — specifically, rhesus macaques — were introduced there in 1979. Given that tourists are barred from visiting Morgan Island, the mystery of the so-called “Monkey Island” has generated a host of rumors and conspiracies. What Is South Carolina’s “Monkey Island”? @roguemarineadventures/TikTokMorgan Island serves as a breeding colony for rhesus monkeys, which are owned by the National Institutes of Health. For example, one TikTok video on the topic posted in March 2026 quickly garnered over 760,000 views. In the video, the user dubs Morgan Island “America’s deadliest island,” later calling it “the most dangerous place in America.” “Every monkey here carries a virus that could kill you. It’s called herpes B,” user @planetshape2 says. “For them, it’s nothing. For humans, it’s lethal. One bite, one scratch. That’s all it takes. The virus attacks your brain within days. If untreated, the death rate is over seventy percent.” “That’s why the government doesn’t just warn you to stay away,” the TikToker continues. “They’ve made it illegal. No boats allowed, no exceptions. Step foot on this island, and you’re committing a federal crime. But more importantly, you might not make it back alive.” A Brief History Of Morgan Island And Its Rhesus Monkeys In the mid-1900s, the La Parguera facility of the Caribbean Primate Research Center in Puerto Rico had a problem. In short, their research monkeys were misbehaving. Specifically, they were escaping, causing problems for local residents. Making matters worse was the fact that many of these monkeys were infected with the herpes B virus. The video overplays the danger of this virus — since the virus was identified in 1932, there have only been 50 documented cases in humans, and the CDC says primate-to-human transmission of the virus is rare. @roguemarineadventures/TikTokSome say the island’s restrictions are intended to protect the monkeys from humans, while some say it’s the other way around. Still, the fact that monkeys were escaping made locals nervous. In response, South Carolina offered to move the monkeys to Morgan Island and establish a research facility there. This offer was accepted, and between 1979 and 1980, over 1,400 rhesus monkeys were sent to the island. Today, it’s estimated that the population is between 3,000 and 4,000 monkeys. Ownership of the island and its monkeys is currently divided across several parties. The monkeys are owned by the National Institutes of Health, the island is owned by the state of South Carolina, and the whole operation is managed by a company called Alpha Genesis. The island primarily serves as a breeding colony for rhesus monkeys. According to the Post and Courier, around 500 monkeys are captured from the island every year to be used in research involving vaccines, medicines, and medical devices. Most are euthanized after this testing. Is Morgan Island Really That Dangerous? There are certainly dangers associated with visiting an island full of diseased monkeys. However, it’s debated whether this danger is the reason why tourists are banned from visiting the island. Wikimedia CommonsA rhesus monkey sits near the water’s edge on South Carolina’s Morgan Island. According to one side of the debate, the island is a research station. This means that human influence could impact the research being performed. Additionally, a 2016 Charleston City Paper report claims that the ban on tourists is more related to the dangers that humans could pose to the monkeys, not the other way around. The other side of the debate says the situation is a little more complicated. The monkeys must be protected, they say, but they also note that there is a known danger to humans on the island. As noted in the Post and Courier, an 88-page contract for the island claims that it “poses so many ‘potentially life-threatening situations’ that caretakers must bar the public and prosecute trespassers.” Staff, however, must be present on the island 24 hours a day, seven days per week. Furthermore, the island does not allow visitors, and anyone coming to the island must prove that they are vaccinated and have completed a variety of medical tests to prevent disease transmission in either direction. While on the island, face masks must be worn at all times. While trespassing is forbidden — “the government encourages prosecution of any individuals or groups to the greatest extent of the law to ensure the health and welfare of the colony,” per the contract — visitors can still take a boat trip by the island if they’re interested in getting a look at the monkeys. Numerous companies offer tours, and monkeys can frequently be seen relaxing on the beach. But, for your own legal and personal safety, it’s probably best if you don’t get too close. @planetshape2 America’s Deadliest Island You’re Banned From Visiting #ForbiddenIsland #MorganIsland #DidYouKnow #USFacts #DangerousPlaces ♬ original sound – planetshape2 All That’s Interesting reached out to @planetshape2 via TikTok direct message and comment. Interested in more islands overrun with animals? Set foot onto Ilha da Queimada Grande, an island so infested with deadly snakes that you’re not allowed to visit it. For more forbidden islands, venture to North Brother Island, the New York City island no one is allowed to visit. The post There’s A South Carolina Island That You Are Banned From: ‘The Most Dangerous Place In America’ appeared first on All That's Interesting.

  Throughout the Apartheid years, South Africa’s leaders believed that their system of white rule was under imminent threat from both internal and external enemies. Having seen the effectiveness of nuclear weapons in WWII, officials in Pretoria decided that a robust nuclear program was an effective deterrent. When it relinquished them in the 1990s, South Africa set a precedent for self-disarmament that gave people hope that the nuclear age could finally come to an end.   South Africa in the Cold War South African Prime Minister D.F. Malan and his cabinet. Source: Wikimedia Commons   From 1948 to 1994, South Africa was ruled by the National Party, an autocratic party devoted to the maintenance of White Rule in South Africa. It authorized the total segregation of society between White people and anyone else of Black, Asian, or mixed-race background. It also promoted a strongly anti-communist ideology, arguing that racial equality was a communist plot to destroy the country. As a result, the security services brutally crushed resistance against the system, often accusing its critics of being Soviet stooges.   Initially, its policies were seen as a reflection of common practice in the African continent. When the National Party came into power and enshrined existing racist practices into law, it followed the practices of European colonies throughout the continent. However, the Cold War changed power dynamics in Africa. South Africa’s racial and security policies were seen as anachronistic and outrageous. Many revolutionary leftist factions, based inside and outside of the country, vowed to overthrow the National Party’s rule.   As South Africa began facing an increase in hostile threats, its leaders vowed to turn the state into a veritable fortress. South African prime ministers, from D.F. Malan to P.W. Botha, all sought to increase South Africa’s conventional and unconventional weapons capacity. The development of a nuclear arsenal was a part of South Africa’s deterrence efforts and one of the country’s closest-kept secrets. In doing so, South Africa became the only country in Africa to have created and allegedly tested a nuclear weapon.   The Creation of SAFARI-1 Image of the SAFARI-1 nuclear reactor near Pelindaba, c. 1968. Source: NTP Radioisotopes   Prime Minister D.F. Malan, elected in 1948, had the twin objectives of modernizing South Africa while preserving White rule. South Africa is known for its rich mineral resources, including uranium. In 1948, his government and the Volksraad (the Apartheid-era parliament) passed the Atomic Energy Act to regulate the uranium industry in the country. The Atomic Energy Board was responsible for the country’s efforts to extract uranium and establish a civil nuclear program. It gained a boost when South Africa signed onto the American-led Atoms for Peace program.   Atoms for Peace was not meant to be a weapons program. Instead, it was meant to be an international information-sharing forum on nuclear research for civil purposes. Therefore, when South Africa signed the agreement, it did not arouse suspicions that the country aimed to develop nuclear weapons. It had already allowed the US and UK to buy a lot of its own uranium and its nuclear scientists had close ties to counterparts in the West. By joining Atoms for Peace, South Africa could gain American technology to create its own nuclear reactor.   In the late 1950s, South Africa joined the IAEA. In 1959, PM Verwoerd, a major supporter of South Africa’s nuclear program, approved the creation of a reactor at Pelindaba. A.J.A. Roux, a senior official in the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, was in charge of the program. American engineers helped create the reactor, known as SAFARI-1. By 1965, South Africa had its first nuclear reactor, a pivotal step in the creation of an atomic weapons program.   From Civil Nuclear Power to Nuclear Weapons Satellite image of the Kalahari Nuclear Test Site in South Africa, 1977. Source: National Security Archive, George Washington University   In addition to South Africa receiving American backing in building SAFARI-1, the United States also sent nearly 100 kilograms of weapons-grade uranium fuel. Before the country began to become isolated, South African officials believed that they had a lot of support from the West and could afford to build a plutonium reactor called SAFARI-2. Scientists hoped to enrich plutonium and heavy water to generate nuclear power but the project was abandoned after a few years.   By the 1970s, South Africa was facing the attention of major Communist powers that supported revolutionary factions such as the African National Congress and the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) in Namibia. Western countries were also starting to distance themselves from Pretoria. The country’s security deteriorated as a result of the Angolan Civil War and the Soweto Uprising. According to F.W. de Klerk, the RSA began to develop weapons based on a gun-type ignition in 1973. They tested explosives for the bomb at Somerset West near Cape Town. To carry a uranium warhead, South Africa is alleged to have asked Israel in 1975 for Jericho missiles. While Israel did not provide missiles, it did assist South Africa in preparing for a test and offered nuclear expertise for research and development purposes.   While the RSA did have ample uranium enrichment capability, it lacked the ability to carry a warhead. The South African Air Force began testing some of its Buccaneer bombers to carry and drop nuclear weapons in a war. Armscor, the main South African weapons manufacturer, also created missiles based on Jericho’s design called the RSA missile. Therefore, bomber aircraft became the main delivery method.   Uncovering the Kalahari Test Site and the Vela Incident US President Jimmy Carter and Soviet General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev at the signing of the SALT II treaty in Vienna, 1979. Source: National Security Archive, George Washington University   South Africa needed to test its nuclear capabilities without attracting too much international scrutiny. The gun-type ignition tests at Somerset West had attracted some attention, but it was unclear if Pretoria wanted to test a full nuclear weapon. Near Pelindaba, engineers constructed an underground test site to make sure the weapon would work. Despite efforts at maintaining secrecy, the USSR found out about the site thanks to one of their spies, Commander Dieter Gerhardt of the South African Navy.   In 1977, Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev wrote to US President Jimmy Carter and warned him that the Soviets had detected a South African nuclear test site. The CIA confirmed the claims and Washington officials became very paranoid that South Africa wanted to become a major nuclear power. President Carter began to coordinate a group of Western countries to demand Pretoria cease any nuclear weapons production and testing. Part of the reason America backed the UNSC arms embargo on South Africa was to forestall its nuclear program.   In 1979, additional developments also concerned the United States. A satellite called VELA 6911 detected an explosion over the Indian Ocean near the South African coast. Officials panicked and assumed that someone was blowing up a low-yield bomb in violation of the Limited Test Ban Treaty. Over time, members of Carter’s administration suspected it was an Israeli test. However, they also believed that South Africa and Israel coordinated together to test a new bomb. To this day, it is unknown exactly what VELA caught, but it is believed to have been a joint Israeli-RSA test.   South Africa’s Nuclear Weapons Policy Prime Minister and later State President P.W. Botha giving a speech, 1980. Source: David Turnley/Corbis/VCG via Getty Images via South China Morning Post   While South African leaders feared an invasion by communist forces from Angola or an internal revolt that would lead to the country’s collapse, there was very little evidence that the country was ever under an existential threat. Neither the Soviets, Cubans, or MPLA (the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola) ever intended to invade the country. Any revolts in the townships were purely an internal matter. Therefore, the question about why exactly South Africa wanted nukes puzzled observers who were aware of Pretoria’s nuclear program.   Based on what is known from some declassified documents and statements by South African officials, South Africa decided to create a small arsenal of six bombs purely for the purposes of diplomatic leverage. Unlike other major nuclear-armed states, South Africa was not engaged in a nuclear arms race. However, it wanted to ensure that the West and USSR knew that if the country felt threatened, it had a nuclear option. This policy of brinksmanship was particularly apparent during the Angola War, when South Africa wanted to show that it would not back down from controlling Namibia and backing the UNITA (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola) faction.   Similar to Israel, South Africa did not announce that it had a nuclear arsenal for most of the Cold War. Maintaining opacity was considered necessary to deter South Africa’s enemies and it did not want more international scrutiny. As the Apartheid years wound down, officials in Pretoria began to ask themselves what was the purpose of maintaining this arsenal and what its future was.   Dismantling South Africa’s Nukes F.W. de Klerk and his successor Nelson Mandela sharing a stage in the United States. Photograph by Carol Highsmith, 1993. Source: Library of Congress   As part of his effort to reduce South Africa’s pariah status on the international stage, President F.W. de Klerk ordered South Africa to halt any enrichment of uranium for nuclear purposes. He also ordered the six available bombs to be dismantled. Up to this point, as much as $240 million had been spent on South Africa’s nuclear weapons program. The international sanctions regime was making it very difficult to get the necessary parts for weapons components and any expansions to the SAFARI-1 reactor. The writing was clearly on the wall regarding the nuclear weapons program.   President de Klerk recognized that the threat from Cuban and MPLA forces in Angola was receding. He also knew that South Africa could only be welcomed back into the rest of the world if it was transparent about its security measures. In 1991, the Republic of South Africa signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). On March 24, 1993, de Klerk gave a speech before Parliament stating that South Africa had developed a nuclear weapons program and that it was dismantling them. He invited international observers to inspect the nuclear facilities. In the years following Nelson Mandela’s election, South Africa signed onto most nuclear nonproliferation statements and agreements.   South Africa’s nuclear weapons program was one of the most infamous aspects of the Apartheid system. Pretoria showed how far it was willing to go to preserve the system of segregation and White power. The RSA made major investments into WMDs when it was not faced with an existential threat. However, by being one of the few countries willing to voluntarily dismantle its nuclear weapons program, South Africa set a positive standard in the field of nuclear disarmament. It became a case study of how a country could shed its nuclear arsenal in the quest for peace and prosperity.

In the 1980s, Cuba’s economy operated as a heavily subsidized outpost of the Soviet bloc, with massive external support masking deep structural weaknesses. Decades later, after the loss of its primary benefactor and repeated shifts in external alliances, the island faces one of its most prolonged economic crises, marked by widespread energy blackouts, food shortages, hyperinflation, and large-scale emigration. This comparison reveals both continuity in central planning and the recurring consequences of heavy dependence on external aid.Lilian George explains. Horse transport in Cuba in the 1990s. Source/Attribution: Nick, available here. The 1980s: An Economy Built on Soviet GenerosityDuring the 1980s, Cuba’s economy was deeply integrated into the socialist bloc. The Soviet Union provided substantial subsidies through preferential trade terms — buying Cuban sugar at prices well above the world market and selling oil at discounted rates. These inflows averaged nearly 23 percent of Cuba’s GDP between 1985 and 1988, reaching as high as $4.3 billion annually in some estimates.The arrangement allowed Cuba to re-export much of the subsidized Soviet oil for hard currency, which often accounted for more than 40 percent of the country’s total export revenues. Sugar remained the dominant export, but the economy was highly centralized, with the state controlling nearly all production and distribution. Official statistics showed average daily caloric availability around 2,900–3,050 kcal per person. However, this national average masked significant daily struggles for ordinary families. The rationing system provided a monotonous diet heavy in starches, with limited protein and fresh produce, and many households experienced ongoing scarcity despite the Soviet subsidies. The Shrinking Safety Net: Rationing from the 1980s to 2026Rationing through the libreta de abastecimiento (ration book) has been a cornerstone of Cuban daily life since 1962. In the 1980s, the system provided relatively stable and more generous quotas of basic goods — rice, beans, sugar, oil, eggs, and occasional meat or coffee — supported by Soviet subsidies. While variety was limited and everything was tightly controlled, the rationing system functioned as a predictable safety net for most families.By 2026, the libreta has become far less effective. Quotas have been repeatedly reduced, deliveries are often late or incomplete, and the quality of goods has declined. Starting in April 2026, the government began phasing out universal subsidies on most rationed items, shifting instead toward targeted assistance only for the most vulnerable households. Many staples now arrive in quantities that last only 10–15 days per month rather than the full month. Fuel shortages and frequent blackouts further complicate distribution and storage.As a result, the ration book no longer offers the same level of protection against hunger that it did in the 1980s. Most families must supplement the libreta with purchases on the open or informal market, where prices are significantly higher due to inflation and dollarization. The Shock of the 1990s: The Special Period and Total CollapseThe sudden dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 triggered a catastrophic economic contraction known as the “Special Period in Time of Peace.” The loss of Soviet subsidies — estimated at $4–6 billion per year — caused Cuba’s GDP to fall by approximately 33–40 percent between 1990 and 1993. Average daily caloric intake dropped sharply from around 2,900–3,050 kcal in the late 1980s to roughly 1,863–2,099 kcal in 1993 (with some reports and vulnerable groups experiencing even lower levels). This translated into widespread hunger, significant weight loss across the population, and severe nutritional deficiencies.Power blackouts became routine, sometimes lasting up to 20 hours a day. Agricultural production plummeted due to lack of fuel, fertilizers, and machinery. The government responded with emergency measures, including limited openings to foreign investment and tourism, but the decade was defined by hardship, scarcity, and improvisation.Partial Recovery and Shifting Dependencies (2000–2020)In the early 2000s, Cuba found a new external partner in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez. The two countries signed agreements under which Venezuela supplied subsidized oil in exchange for Cuban medical personnel and other services. This provided a temporary lifeline, though it never matched the scale or stability of Soviet support.Under Raúl Castro (who assumed power in 2008), limited reforms were introduced, including greater space for small private businesses, some foreign investment in tourism, and efforts to unify the dual-currency system. Tourism became an important source of hard currency. However, the underlying model of central planning remained largely intact. The Current Crisis (2021–2026): Deeper and More Prolonged?Since the early 2020s, Cuba’s economy has struggled with multiple shocks, including the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on tourism, sharply reduced Venezuelan oil deliveries, and long-standing structural problems. Official data show negative or near-zero growth in several recent years, with independent estimates suggesting a cumulative contraction of around 10–15 percent.Chronic fuel shortages have led to frequent nationwide blackouts, sometimes lasting days. Agricultural output has reached historic lows in key products. Inflation has remained high, and the Cuban peso has depreciated significantly against the US dollar on the informal market. Growing Dependence on Remittances and DollarizationA defining feature of the current economic landscape is the increasing reliance on remittances sent by Cuban emigrants, primarily in US dollars. Estimates place annual remittances at around $3 billion, accounting for roughly 8.3 percent of Cuba’s GDP. Nearly 70 percent of the population receives some form of remittance support.This inflow has accelerated the dollarization of the economy. Many goods and services — especially in the informal and emerging private sectors — are now priced or only available in US dollars or other hard currencies. Those with access to remittances have significantly higher purchasing power, while those relying solely on state salaries face deepening hardship. The surge in emigration since 2020 has paradoxically strengthened this channel, but it has also exacerbated inequality. Medicine and Healthcare: From Partial Coverage to Systemic StrainCuba’s healthcare system, long presented as one of the revolution’s major achievements, has faced recurring challenges with medical supplies. In the 1980s, there were already periods when hospitals struggled to meet basic needs due to inefficiencies in the centralized system, even with Soviet support providing some stability in pharmaceuticals and equipment.By 2026, the situation has deteriorated significantly. Hospitals and clinics report severe shortages of essential medicines, antibiotics, surgical gloves, and basic supplies. Power outages lasting 20 hours or more disrupt critical services such as dialysis, chemotherapy, radiotherapy, neonatal care, and refrigeration for vaccines and medications. Pharmaceutical production inside Cuba has slowed sharply due to fuel shortages affecting factories.As of early 2026, more than 96,000 patients were waiting for surgeries (including thousands of children), with many procedures postponed or canceled. Independent reports indicate that only about 3 percent of citizens can consistently find needed medicines in state pharmacies, while black-market prices make them unaffordable for most. The recent cutoff of Venezuelan oil supplies in 2026 has further worsened the crisis by intensifying blackouts and limiting the transport of medical staff and supplies. Impact of Developments in Venezuela (2026)The situation deteriorated sharply in early 2026 following the US intervention in Venezuela and the capture of President Nicolás Maduro. Venezuela had been supplying Cuba with approximately 26,000–35,000 barrels of oil per day in 2025 (down from much higher volumes in previous years). After the intervention, shipments effectively stopped as the United States exerted control over Venezuelan oil exports and imposed restrictions on flows to Cuba.The sudden cutoff removed a critical portion of Cuba’s fuel supply, triggering more frequent and prolonged nationwide blackouts, further disruptions to food distribution, and additional pressure on an already strained economy. While Mexico had briefly become the top supplier in 2025, overall imports remain far below what is needed to meet demand. The loss of the Venezuelan lifeline has compounded existing vulnerabilities.Why Recovery Has Proved ElusiveCuba’s economic difficulties stem from a combination of internal factors — decades of central planning, low productivity, underinvestment in infrastructure, and policy inconsistency — and external shocks, including the loss of major benefactors and shifting geopolitical pressures. While tourism, limited private enterprise, and remittances have provided some relief, they have not offset the structural weaknesses. As of 2026, the economy continues to face significant challenges in restoring reliable energy supply, boosting agricultural and pharmaceutical production, and reversing emigration trends. Did you find that piece interesting? If so, join us for free by clicking here. ReferencesHernández-Catá, Ernesto (2013). “Cuba, the Soviet Union, and Venezuela: A Tale of Dependence and Shock.” ASCE ProceedingsBTI Project (2026). Cuba Country ReportOrozco, Manuel (2024). Remittances studies, Inter-American DialogueReports from Havana Times, Reuters, and Lancet Oncology on medicine shortages and healthcare conditions (2025–2026)Various ASCE and independent economic analyses (2025–2026)