YubNub Social YubNub Social
    #satire #faith #libtards #racism #crime
    Advanced Search
  • Login
  • Register

  • Night mode
  • © 2025 YubNub Social
    About • Directory • Contact Us • Developers • Privacy Policy • Terms of Use • shareasale • FB Webview Detected • Android • Apple iOS • Get Our App

    Select Language

  • English
Install our *FREE* WEB APP! (PWA)
Night mode toggle
Community
New Posts (Home) ChatBox Popular Posts Reels Game Zone Top PodCasts
Explore
Explore
© 2025 YubNub Social
  • English
About • Directory • Contact Us • Developers • Privacy Policy • Terms of Use • shareasale • FB Webview Detected • Android • Apple iOS • Get Our App
Advertisement
Stop Seeing These Ads

Discover posts

Posts

Users

Pages

Blog

Market

Events

Games

Forum

YubNub News
YubNub News
5 w

Immigration, Censorship, and the Deep State in the Yookay
Favicon 
yubnub.news

Immigration, Censorship, and the Deep State in the Yookay

[View Article at Source]Popular dissatisfaction with immigration has reached a boiling point in Britain. The post Immigration, Censorship, and the Deep State in the Yookay appeared first on The American…
Like
Comment
Share
YubNub News
YubNub News
5 w

Preparing for the Peace With Russia
Favicon 
yubnub.news

Preparing for the Peace With Russia

[View Article at Source]Integrating Russia into the postwar order will be vital for advancing American interests. The post Preparing for the Peace With Russia appeared first on The American Conservative.…
Like
Comment
Share
YubNub News
YubNub News
5 w

Trump Shouldn’t Push India to the Dark Side
Favicon 
yubnub.news

Trump Shouldn’t Push India to the Dark Side

[View Article at Source]The president should focus on governing America, not controlling world events. The post Trump Shouldn’t Push India to the Dark Side appeared first on The American Conservative.…
Like
Comment
Share
Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
5 w

Trump warns Russia of ‘severe consequences’ if Ukraine war continues
Favicon 
www.brighteon.com

Trump warns Russia of ‘severe consequences’ if Ukraine war continues

Follow NewsClips channel at Brighteon.com for more updatesSubscribe to Brighteon newsletter to get the latest news and more featured videos: https://support.brighteon.com/Subscribe.html
Like
Comment
Share
Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
5 w

Immigration, Censorship, and the Deep State in the Yookay
Favicon 
www.theamericanconservative.com

Immigration, Censorship, and the Deep State in the Yookay

UK/Europe Immigration, Censorship, and the Deep State in the Yookay Popular dissatisfaction with immigration has reached a boiling point in Britain. (Benjamin Cremel-WPA Pool/Getty Images) Mass immigration and the refugee crisis have transformed European politics over the last decade. The United Kingdom has experienced some of the biggest changes, as repeated popular revolts against immigration have led to both Brexit and the collapse of the Conservative Party in favor of Reform UK. The American Conservative sat down with Connor Tomlinson, a British journalist and political commentator, to talk about the impact of immigration on the UK and the country’s future. Let’s start with something that I think a lot of Americans have found quite puzzling looking at the situation in the UK. Immigration is the question in British politics, especially right now. Every British government for years has been elected on the promise of lowering immigration. None have done so. Why? When you say for years, that means going back to 1974. Every single election referendum since has promised lower migration and never delivered. There’s a few reasons.  The first, I think, is the economic system. Anytime someone promises to cut immigration, a pie chart is wheeled into the room by the so-called experts, and they say, “If you do this, we won’t be able to fudge the numbers on the population, which then builds our annual GDP up, which then allows us to borrow even more debt to pay down for subsidized socialized medicine and pension system.” One thing that Keir Starmer ran into when he was elected to government was that because the Treasury predictions are done on an annual cycle, you can’t cut the size of the civil service, because if you make anyone lose their jobs—and it’s very hard to do the extra legislation anyway—but if you make anyone lose their jobs, they get a year severance pay, and it doesn’t register as cuts. If you cut immigration in the short term, there might be a dip in GDP, because you cut X amount of totally useless jobs. So instead, all they ever do is cut the very few things that they can do—the extra payments and pensions and things like that, which ends up estranging entire swathes of their voter base.  So economics is one reason. The other one is that there is a human-rights industrial complex that has taken root. Keir Starmer, when he was a human-rights lawyer busy going around the world acting on behalf of murderers to get rid of the death penalty, actually helped write the text for Tony Blair’s 1998 Human Rights Act, which wrote the European Court of Human Rights and Convention on Human Rights into British law. So even after Brexit, we still have European laws on our books, because they’re a separate entity. That means that you get Pakistani pedophiles or Albanian gangsters who say, “My son doesn’t like the taste of foreign chicken nuggets,” appealing to the statue and saying, “My right to a family and private life should mean that I get to stay in this country even though I’m a criminal.” No politician wants to touch that because of the deep taboos that have existed since 1945, since the atrocities of the Holocaust, since Hitler killed a lot of people in a very racist way. So all these antiquated human rights doctrines, like the UN Refugee Convention, like the European Convention of Human Rights, which were written with Dutch Jews fleeing persecution in mind, are now pertaining to North African rapists, and we’re just battery-farming them at the taxpayers expense.  The final reason, I would say, is that the government has a hell of a lot of contracts with private security and housing firms like Serco. So local councils which mismanage their budgets and these private security firms and these hotel chains will take direct government subsidies to house not just legal migrants that come over (95 percent of whom aren’t paying any taxes at all, and are just a net drain), but also loads of illegal migrants who have come over the physical barrier of the English Channel. These illegal migrants have been picked up by the RNLI, our border force, ferried back, and are now housed in four-star accommodations at the cost of over £14 billion a year to the taxpayer. To what extent would you say that this is the operation of the British Deep State versus the will of the British political class itself? The Tory party, for instance, which is ostensibly in favor of limiting immigration, has never shown a great amount of enthusiasm to actually limit immigration during its time in government. What people have to understand about our civil service is, unlike your Washington system, we don’t have appointments. Trump can, despite institutional noncompliance, hire and fire about 20,000 people. Because of a piece of legislation in 2010 called the Constitutional Reform and Governance Act, the Civil Service appoints other civil servants, and they can actually sack ministers who are democratically elected, but the ministers can’t really sack them. The person who runs the Cabinet Office, which oversees the internal affairs of the government, is probably the most powerful person in the country.  This is one of the reasons why Liz Truss got deposed after her attempts to cut taxes. It wasn’t just the Bank of England, which is meant to be independent from the government and set interest rates in the same way the Fed does, and can now sabotage any elected politician’s plans to adjust the economic consensus. It wasn’t just her own party. It was career civil servants who were briefing to the media against her. One does not have to think Lizz Truss the best thing since sliced bread to know, as J.D. Vance mentioned in his interview before the election to Tucker, that she is an instructive example of how your plans can be thwarted.  The other problem with the civil service is that, while having all this power, they are ideologically captured by interest groups. The Islamic network, specifically in the Home Office, controls not just immigration, but also counter-terror responses. Anytime someone reads the Quran a bit too seriously and detonates a mail bomb at a pop concert, they gather together a bunch of imams and do photo ops; they control the front page of the newspapers to decrease the public’s opposition to immigration, especially Islamic immigration.  This is no longer working. Alternative media has made people more aware of things, and YouGov polling from just last week saw that one half the country thinks Islam is incompatible with Britain. Upwards of 40 percent think all Muslim migrants have been a net detriment to the country. Nine in 10 constituencies want migration to be lowered at the last election, and that’s when they also underestimated migration by a factor of 10. They thought we were getting 70,000 a year. We have net 700,000 a year. We’ve got almost the same level of migration every year in a country the size of New York State as the whole of America, legally. It’s absolutely mental.  However, the politicians do, intuitively, want to continue this. There’s only a handful of politicians who are seriously committed to delivering on their manifesto pledges. As the greatest example of this gaslighting exercise politicians do, there’s a columnist in the UK called Fraser Nelson—who, a bit of deep lore, accidentally kicked off the Pakistani grooming gang scandal and brought it to Musk’s attention and America’s attention when he wrote on Christmas in his final column for the Telegraph that Britain is experiencing an “integration miracle.” In 2016 Fraser Nelson gave an interview where he said that politicians don’t actually have to do anything about immigration. They can instead act as a kind of pressure relief valve by telling voters, “I hear your concerns,” and then talking them through how actually we can afford to pay for the health care and the housing of these migrants, while completely marginalizing questions of culture and identity—questions which are much more virulent for young people like me, who have only grown up in the world of the Yookay, spelled Y-O-O-K-A-Y, rather than homogeneous Great Britain.  Lots of these politicians are really convinced that enough civics programs and economic opportunities can turn literally anyone from anywhere into being British. This is why the Conservative Party that you mentioned has elected Kemi Badenoch. Kemi Badenoch was born in the UK a year before they abolished birthright citizenship in what was essentially an act of birth tourism by her parents to get her British citizenship. Now, members of the press with inside sources are saying that she doesn’t want to talk about migration, because if she starts questioning too much, people will begin asking, “Aren’t you basically an anchor baby?” So you have lots of politicians pushing immigrant heritage politicians in front to try and make the case for the integration of millions of migrants the British public never wanted here in the first place, and who themselves feel loath to criticize mass migration on cultural grounds because they’re afraid of being called racist by the Westminster media establishment. There’s literally only a handful of people who really understand what time it is and understand that, based on Trump’s election, promising mass deportations for illegals, promising to give no quarter to people who hate our way of life and to send them elsewhere, is not just moral, but is also a vote-winner. As part of the reaction to this, there’s been a big change in the UK party system. We’ve seen the rise of Reform UK on the right, while voters seem to have lost confidence in the Conservative Party. Does Reform UK have a serious plan to take on the Civil Service and address the foundational problems that have caused this migration inflow? There are people who are involved in Reform UK, like Matthew Goodwin or James Orr, who are trying to put forward policies on this. They understand the scale of the problem. The problem is that within Reform UK, you’ve got that congenitally liberal instinct that caused Nigel Farage to say in the New Statesman a few weeks ago that he is to not only the left of Robert Jenrick, but to the left of the country, on immigration. Farage is voluntarily saying “I will take a softer stance on migration than my own voters want me to, because of a moral issue.” Now, I have heard that within Reform, there were some members that were saying, “What are you doing? That’s not our messaging strategy.” But this is something that he said intuitively.  He spoke to Steven Edgington of GBNews and said, “Mass deportations is not my ambition. It’s a political impossibility. We’re never gonna be able to deport hundreds of thousands of people,” even though Eisenhower, in the ’50s, got out hundreds of thousands of people with a very small border force. President Trump is doing this at the moment. The idea that this is neither palatable nor possible is insane, but Farage just has this instinct. Cultural concerns in particular are a real problem for Reform. A little while ago, Farage did an interview with Winston Marshall where he said, “By 2050, if we politically alienate the whole of Islam, we will lose.” Well, speaking for the left-behind majority, what parts of Islamic theology do you want to incorporate into your right-wing populist party, Nigel? Very frustrating.  I think this is them having their sense of what is politically possible—the Overton Window—contorted by a Westminster media bubble, because they don’t engage with alternative media. Very limited interviews have been given to someone like Winston Marshall, or even Steven Edgington, who’s affiliated with GB News, who Farage meets with. Instead, they’re constantly seeking the approval of the Guardian and the BBC. They need to understand what Trump did: The media are your enemy, and they would rather see you lose or else conform to their expectations so much that you may as well have lost.  What reform needs to understand is that they must to have a Day One Great Repeal Act, getting rid of laws that have been passed not just by the last Conservative government, not just laws that have been passed by the Blair government, but even before that—laws like Margaret Thatcher’s Public Order Act of 1986 through which, among other pieces of legislation, 12,000 people get arrested for public statements or social media posts every year. Has to go. Race Relations Act? Has to go. Town and Country Planning Act that stops you from building beautiful buildings (we have these Soviet-esque brutalist tower blocks to house everyone from the Third World)? It all has to go.  Someone needs to do the very quiet work that isn’t in front of a camera, isn’t doing TikToks: to sit down and list all these pieces of legislation, to draft up how you would do it according to parliamentary convention law, and to ensure that on Day One you can get this signed and ensure you get it past the Civil Service. But this also requires that you appoint MPs and build up a group of eventual replacements for the Civil Service—something like institutions like American Moment did in the States—so that on day one, you hit the ground running with your people, who are courageous enough to take the slings and arrows. At the moment, especially with the expulsion of Rupert Lowe, who’s now set up Restore Britain and is promising to do just that, Reform haven’t appointed the most conservative, constitutionally and courageous people currently their talent. Lowe is looking a lot like our trump figure, but he’s a man without a party, and unfortunately, he can’t take over the Republicans anytime soon. Even if you think Nigel Farage is the greatest campaigner in Britain, and there’s a case for it, Reform’s talent isn’t measuring up to not only Farage, but the kind of people that Trump brought into coalition with him for his seismic win in 2024. So I’m open to the prospect of things changing in four years, but at the moment, I’m not encouraged. Certainly it seems like there’s the will among the British populace, if not the British political class at large, to do something drastic. There has been a lot of civil unrest recently over migrants who have been put up in hotels across the UK. Do you think that it presents a serious threat to the legitimacy of the British government if popular unrest continues to mount? I think they know that they are illegitimate. Keir Starmer went to the extent of leaking his own cabinet briefing notes to right-wing, or at least establishment right-wing, newspapers (the Daily Mail and the Times) a little while ago, where he said that the country needs to repair its frayed social fabric to prevent civil unrest. They’ve been having these briefings for a long time, but they’ve done absolutely nothing about it, because they’re unwilling to repeal the laws or abandon their commitments to anti-racist bona fides in order to actually tackle the root cause of the issue. But they understand that their ideological fictions that they’ve been casting as a kind of spell over the population are wearing very thin. As for the population themselves, while the English are very polite and very genteel—we don’t kick off like the French do—in the words of the famous poem of Rudyard Kipling, there’s only so far you can push an Anglo-Saxon before he begins to learn to hate.  I think that this hatred is manifesting, much like the opposition to the trans movement did in the UK and the U.S., because of the children being harmed. What the British government has done for the last at least seven years for mass illegal migration, but much longer for legal migration, is import foreign nationals from the rape capitals of the world, like Afghanistan, Eritrea, Morocco, Algeria. Traffickers actually film white English girls on nights out, dressed immodestly by Muslim standards, to market their border smuggling services—basically saying, “Look at what you can get for yourself by coming over here.”  We know they’ve been doing this ahead of time, yet the British government has rolled out the red carpet for them, put them up in hotels, and said that if you criticize them, you’re a racist. There was a leaked government report that came out between November and January which said that right-wing extremists are inventing narratives around two-tier policing and grooming gangs to sow public discontent, completely dismissing the threat. Instead, they’ve been monitoring the English people, creating new police units in the home office to monitor posts that have “anti-migrant sentiment”.  Recently the House Judiciary Committee brought to the attention of the Telegraph that the Department for Digital, Culture, Media & Sport was telling TikTok and other social media platforms in the U.S. to take down posts calling Keir Starmer Two-Tier Keir. So not only are they very precious about their reputations, but they know the kind of discontent this is building towards.  Do I think this will tip over into actual civil unrest? Well, I have spoken to and listened to the predictions of David Betz, professor of war studies from King’s College London.  He thinks that in the next couple of years, if there’s no political off-ramp (and he doesn’t see one arising out of the mist), there could be civil unrest along ethnic lines that could claim as many as 23,000 lives a year. It will take place mostly in cities, it will be a low-level guerrilla conflict, and it will start because infrastructure will be attacked by either vigilante gangs of white accelerationists, or, more probably, jihadists, which foreign intelligence services have identified as being numbering between 30,000–40,000 in our country at the moment, and who have lots of cobelligerents in the Muslim community who have harbored monstrosities like the rape-gang perpetrators out of sense of solidarity along ethnic and religious lines.  The thing that worries us—the commentariat, academics, even politicians who are becoming aware of this now in the Conservative Party and among the likes of Rupert Lowe—is that eight electrical substations have mysteriously been attacked or at least caught alight in the last couple of months. Is this the sort of low-level precursor of infrastructure sabotage before civil unrest? To add to that are all these protests where the state is bussing out state-funded communist groups to the front lines as agents provocateurs, which looks like instigating unrest as a pretext to crack down on a discontented white majority. It’s looking like a powder keg that the state doesn’t know how to defuse, so it’s quite a worrying situation. It seems like the principal response from the British government has been to increase censorship—for example, passing the Online Safety Act. The British state has also put people in prison for making social media posts that it says are inflammatory, or conducive to public disorder. How far do you think that Starmer and the British government are willing to go with censorship? Is this the limit, or do you think that there is more and worse in store for the British people? I think they are willing to go way further. Much like the Democrats in the U.S., their definition of democracy is premised on the idea of the blank slate—that, hypothetically, you can create a governance system that brings to fruition every human being’s identical human nature; a society where everyone’s free, everyone’s equal. All you have to do is censor your way to utopia. If you stop people from noticing their differences, online or in person, then everyone will become indistinguishable gray goo people living in harmony in John Lennon’s imagined future. I don’t think they’re going to abandon this ideological commitment.  The Online Safety Act created a brand new speech offense as well, which consists of causing non-trivial psychological or physical harm without any reasonable cause for posting—an offence determined by judges who themselves are not neutral, who themselves are trained on the textbook that Keir Starmer wrote, who themselves just had judicial guidance quashed at the 11th hour by the Justice Minister that said that they were going to give harsher sentences to straight white men and more lenient sentences to ethnic cultural minorities, women, pregnant persons, and LGBTQ-confused people. Just because the political heat occasionally gets too high and Starmer has to pretend to President Trump—indeed, to lie to his face—that there hasn’t been censorship doesn’t mean there is not still the ambition to press on with this approach. The worst thing about this is that we’ve had two rounds of mass prisoner releases. They’ve released violent offenders, drug users and dealers, even gang members, explicitly to make space for new arrests if there is more civil unrest—for mothers like Lucy Connolly, who is in prison for 34 months for a deleted tweet. Whereas a brand new arrival from Eritrea, for example, who sexually assaulted a 19-year-old girl with learning difficulties, got 14 months in prison instead. In fact, because he was held on remand, he might not get any prison time.  This British state is willing to imprison sexual offenders for less time than people who post tweets online they don’t like. If you are that deeply ideologically entrenched, I don’t see how you can abandon that and suddenly discover a commitment to something akin to the American First Amendment. This interview was conducted at MCC Feszt in Esztergom, Hungary. The post Immigration, Censorship, and the Deep State in the Yookay appeared first on The American Conservative.
Like
Comment
Share
Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
5 w

Preparing for the Peace With Russia
Favicon 
www.theamericanconservative.com

Preparing for the Peace With Russia

Foreign Affairs Preparing for the Peace With Russia Integrating Russia into the postwar order will be vital for advancing American interests. As the Trump administration engages in much-needed talks with the Russian Federation over the fate of Ukraine, it’s important to take stock of just what is at stake in these negotiations. This isn’t just about ending the most unnecessary war the United States has been involved in since the Iraq War. It’s about reestablishing great power relations with nuclear-armed, resource-rich Russia.  Writing more than a century ago, a British geopolitical theorist, Sir Halford Mackinder, identified Russia as the “geographical pivot” around which the entire World Island (the most populous contiguous landmass in the world, encompassing Europe, Asia, and Africa) spins.  For Mackinder, Russia’s power rested in the fact that it was essentially a landlocked country. He identified Russia as sitting within the “Heartland” of Eurasia. Because it was mostly inaccessible to nations that were sea powers, such as the British Empire in Mackinder’s day or the United States today, Mackinder theorized that Russia held the key to dominating the world. Mackinder’s theory arose during the age when railway travel had become ubiquitous, and it was seen as delivering a decisive shift away from sea powers to land powers, such as Russia. In today’s world, land-based trading routes across Eurasia are again becoming an important element that all the great powers are fixating on. This makes Mackinderian theory all the more prevalent. In Mackinder’s postulation, “Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland; Who rules the Heartland commands the World Island; Who rules the World Island commands the World!”  The Heartland—Russia—is the key to the geopolitics of the World Island. Today, most of America’s foreign-policy concerns are to be found in and around the World Island. And in every problem afflicting U.S. foreign policy, Russia has a pivotal role.  While the neoconservative-neoliberal claque who purport to rule over us—the Blob—believe the solution is to isolate and contain the Russian Federation (or make war upon it via proxies, like Ukraine), this is a failed policy. In fact, the failure of this policy is self-evident to just about everyone outside the Blob.  Need to stabilize the Middle East? Russia can help the United States with that. Want to have better relations with India? Russia would be a perfect middleman. Do you need access to cheap, massive amounts of energy and rare earth minerals? Russia has those. Worried about North Korea’s nuclear weapons threat? Russia has leverage.  Here’s the biggest one: Washington wants to contain China’s seemingly inexorable rise. Well, guess what? Russia is possibly the single most important potential player in that game.  But the Blob has done everything in its power to alienate and attack the Russians. For 30 years, it has ignored one of the foundational principles of modern geopolitical theory in service to some half-baked ideological notion that Russia represents an existential threat to human rights and democracy.  Of course, little is said about the ongoing list of human-rights violations and undemocratic regimes that the Blob has supported these last 30 years around the world.  According to the U.S. Geological Survey, Russia has an estimated 3.8 million metric tons of rare earth mineral reserves. In other words, Russia ranks fifth globally in terms of rare earth mineral reserves. It is still behind China’s 44 million metric tons.  But, when developed and sold on the global market, it would make Russia into a key economic partner for the United States and the West. The U.S. itself has some 3.6 million tons of rare earth minerals, although recent research has found that millions of tons more may be extracted from American coal ash. Combined with rare earth minerals produced by friendly nations, such as Japan and Australia, the United States could believably divorce itself from reliance on Chinese rare earths over time. China has so far thwarted the Trump administration in the trade war precisely because of Beijing’s vise-like grip on the world’s rare earth mineral market. Integrating Russian sources would help to ameliorate America’s dependence on Chinese rare earths.  And it isn’t only rare earth mineral development where the U.S. and Russia could cooperate in a post–Ukraine War environment. The Trump administration has successfully begun mediating a peace deal between Azerbaijan and Armenia. This is but the first step toward the creation of the Zangezur corridor, which is designed to move energy and goods from eastern Eurasia to western Eurasia along a U.S.-Turkish-Israeli–dominated trading route without cutting through Iranian territory. This would both harm Iran’s economy and weaken China’s hold on Eurasian trade. But the wildcard remains Russia. A smart play following a potential peace deal over Ukraine would be for the Trump administration to give the Russians a cut of the Zangezur corridor deal. This would effectively flip Russia out of China’s camp and more toward the U.S.-led camp.  Meanwhile, in the Mideast, Russia can help the Americans bring a modicum of balance and peace to the war-torn region. With Russia’s leverage over nations such as the Islamic Republic of Iran, Washington and Moscow could coordinate their respective regional partners and create a new, peaceful balance of power in the Mideast that ends the ongoing tensions and allows for the United States to focus on more important strategic domains. After all, the United States and Russia share a common enemy in the form of Islamic terrorism.  As for the biggest geopolitical issue facing the United States, the rise of China, Russia is the obvious component needed for a successful containment strategy. The notion that Russia wants to be a permanent ally of China is ridiculous. They need China’s support because the Ukraine War has forced them into bed with each other.  But Putin knows his history. He understands that Russia’s Far East, one of the most resource-rich areas of the Russian Federation (albeit sparsely populated), is under constant threat of annexation in the long run by China. This is not something Putin desires to see in his lifetime.  Ending the Ukraine War, embracing Russia as a viable trading partner, and working to enhance U.S.–Russian bilateral relations might be the key to containing China’s rise. After all, as a major nation that shares a land border with China—and a longer history of animosity than alliance—Russia is, in fact, more threatened by China’s rise than are the Americans who sit an ocean and a continent away. If, however, the Trump administration fails to get a peace deal with Russia over Ukraine, none of these other possibilities for peace and prosperity will come to fruition. Instead, the state of U.S.–Russia relations could collapse into the “Cold Peace” that Boris Yeltsin warned us of in 1994. Or, more frighteningly, the final offramp to a world war over Ukraine could be missed and the two nuclear-armed powers, the United States and Russia, could find themselves engaged in a nightmarish war in Europe. These are the stakes—and opportunities—that the Trump administration faces when they meet the Russians in Alaska. Failure to achieve peace means the greatest missed opportunity diplomatically for the United States and Russia since the end of the Cold War, when the future looked so bright, only to become so dreadfully dark. The post Preparing for the Peace With Russia appeared first on The American Conservative.
Like
Comment
Share
Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
5 w

Trump Shouldn’t Push India to the Dark Side
Favicon 
www.theamericanconservative.com

Trump Shouldn’t Push India to the Dark Side

Foreign Affairs Trump Shouldn’t Push India to the Dark Side The president should focus on governing America, not controlling world events. In early July, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth praised India and its military cooperation with America. Announced the Pentagon: “Secretary Hegseth emphasized the priority the United States places on India as its key defense partner in South Asia. Secretary Hegseth and Minister Singh reviewed the considerable progress both countries have made toward achieving the defense goals set out in the February 2025 joint statement by President Trump and Prime Minister Modi.” In fact, Narendra Modi and Donald Trump seemed to be best buddies during the president’s first term. Reported the Washington Post: “The men shared bear hugs, showered praise on each other and made appearances side by side at stadium rallies—a big optics boost for two populist leaders with ideological similarities. Each called the other a good friend.” The bromance resumed after Trump’s second inauguration, with the Indian prime minister being one of the first foreign leaders to visit the White House. Alas, that was then, this is now. This month Trump slapped a 25 percent tariff on Indian goods, then doubled it to 50 percent. He sneered that India had a “dead” economy, even though it is growing faster than America’s own economy—indeed, India has recently enjoyed the world’s fastest growing major economy. Worse, complained the president, India’s government and people buy Russian oil, “They don’t care how many people in Ukraine are being killed by the Russian War Machine,” he charged. Yet the president never punished Saudi Arabia for killing Yemenis or Israel for killing Palestinians, though both nations inflicted mass death with American arms. What, then, is Trump’s real motivation for targeting New Delhi? Unfortunately, the president is acting like he was elected global gauleiter. He told The Atlantic: “The first time, I had two things to do—run the country and survive,” but “the second time, I run the country and the world.” In this, he sounds like his addled predecessor, who declared, “not only am I campaigning, but I’m running the world. Not—and that’s not hi—sounds like hyperbole, but we are the essential nation of the world.” However, Joe Biden, though deluded, was neither as ambitious nor brazen as Trump, whose goals appear unbounded. The latter told Canada it could escape his tariffs by accepting absorption by America, and he threatened to forgo a trade agreement if Ottawa recognized the state of Palestine. He’s talked or hinted of military action against Denmark, Greenland, Mexico, and Panama. He’s meddled in domestic politics in Brazil, Israel, and South Korea to defend favored political leaders from legal accountability. He even proposed that the U.S. empty Gaza of Palestinians and seize their land. The administration has used tariffs in attempts to coerce countries to follow other U.S. policies, such as opposing an international effort to tackle greenhouse gas emissions from global shipping. Finally, the president is seeking to impose a settlement to the Russia–Ukraine war. Indeed, he took personally Vladimir Putin’s resistance, stating that he is “very disappointed” and “we just don’t see any progress being made,” as if the Russian leader could be expected to sacrifice his nation’s interests to pacify the American president’s personal pique. New Delhi, in Trump’s view, should act similarly. “They’re buying Russian oil, they’re fueling the war machine,” he fumed. “And if they’re going to do that, then I’m not going to be happy.” Why is the president singling out India, with which the U.S. once enjoyed a burgeoning partnership, even as Turkey and the People’s Republic of China also purchase Russian oil? He criticized India’s protectionist trade practices, though the same charge could be made against Ankara and Beijing, which has just received another extension to continue trade negotiations. He also complained about the BRICS organization, of which New Delhi is a member, for seeking to reduce international reliance on the dollar. Yet the “C” in BRICS stands for “China.” Trump’s irritation appears to be more personal, reflecting India’s refusal to give him credit for mediating a ceasefire between India and Pakistan. Unsurprisingly, the president inflated his role, and India’s leader could not easily acknowledge that U.S. pressure may have helped hated Pakistan to get off easy. The Wilson Center’s Michael Kugelman observed that “China has not stood out there and refused to let President Trump take credit for his role in the ceasefire… These are things that happened with India. So I think that’s why perhaps President Trump would reserve some of his greatest ire on the trade and tariff front for India.” So, Trump is perversely punishing Modi, whose move westward left his country more vulnerable to U.S. pressure. Nevertheless, the Indian premier rejected Trump’s demands, pointing to American and European hypocrisy in continuing to trade with Moscow. India may also have “paused” (reports conflict) its planned purchase of U.S. weapons. More dramatically, Modi flaunted his ties with other nations, announcing a “very good and detailed conversation with my friend President Putin,” even thanking the latter “for sharing the latest developments on Ukraine.” The Russian president now plans to visit India before year’s end. The Indian prime minister also spoke with Brazil’s President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, who has similarly incurred Trump’s wrath. Even more significant, amid what has been called a “cautious reopening to Beijing” Modi plans to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organization meeting at the end of August in Beijing, where he will meet China’s President Xi Jinping. No doubt, Modi would still like to salvage relations with America, given its importance as a market for Indian goods and partner for Indian security. However, forgoing cheap Russian energy would harm his nation’s economy. New Delhi also remains heavily reliant on Russian weapons. Nor can Modi, who has built his career on Hindu nationalism, accept foreign humiliation, especially after losing his party’s majority in last year’s parliamentary election. Yielding to Washington’s dictates would be highly unpopular at any time, but Trump has recently shown greater deference to Pakistan, which trails India in geopolitical significance, peaceful practice, and democratic commitment. Indeed, popular calls to boycott American goods are rising, “amplified by India business leaders, supporters of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and groups linked to his Bharatiya Janata Party.” None of this bodes well for Washington’s lengthy courtship of New Delhi to cooperate against Beijing. Successive administrations supported India’s rise. Observed Ashley J. Tellis of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, writing in Foreign Affairs: Since the turn of the century, the United States has sought to help India rise as a great power. During George W. Bush’s presidency, Washington agreed to a major deal with New Delhi that offered support for India’s civilian nuclear program despite the country’s controversial development of nuclear weapons. Under the Obama administration, the United States and India began defense industrial cooperation that aimed to boost the latter’s military capabilities and help it project power. During President Donald Trump’s first term, the United States started sharing sensitive intelligence with India and made it eligible to receive advanced technologies previously reserved only for American allies; under President Joe Biden, Washington gave New Delhi sophisticated fighter jet engine technology. Each of these recent administrations deepened diplomatic, technological, and military cooperation with India, making good on Bush’s promise ‘to help India become a major world power in the twenty-first century.’ Of course, it’s important not to overrate India’s rise. Ashoka Mody, a visiting professor of economics at Princeton, points to India’s economic weakness: “while China grew rapidly on a strong foundation of human-capital development, India shortchanged that aspect of its growth. China became an economic superpower; projections of India as next are little more than hype.” Tellis also cites broader limits. “India’s relative weakness, its yearning for multipolarity, and its illiberal trajectory mean that it will have less global influence than it desires even when it can justifiably consider itself a great power,” she writes, though India does have more optimistic fans as well. Indeed, Washington should temper its expectations not only of India’s growing power but also its western shift. Although trade with India offers some economic benefits for Americans, political considerations will remain supreme in New Delhi and limit any opening of India’s heavily rural economy. Politically, there is much to criticize about India, which has become an authoritarian democracy, particularly hostile to religious minorities. Nevertheless, New Delhi is a likely great power, even if not necessarily a superpower like the U.S. and PRC. Washington is most interested in New Delhi acting as a counterweight to China. The latter two governments have been at odds since the brief 1962 war in which India suffered a humiliating loss—of both personnel in the conflict and of territory in the resulting peace. Fighting has occasionally flared, with the most significant recent round in 2022. In 2024 the two governments reached a border agreement intended to ease hostilities. However, India has long emphasized nonalignment. It remains committed to balancing ties with Russia and even China. New Delhi’s relations with Moscow go back to the Cold War, when the Soviet Union stood by India against the U.S., which backed Pakistan. Dealings with Beijing are more fraught, but the downside is limited: conflict in the Himalayas matters more for prestige than survival. New Delhi is unlikely to risk full-scale war with Beijing absent compelling circumstances currently difficult to imagine. The Economist reported, citing an unnamed Indian policymaker, that “his country never really intended to take big risks in confronting and challenging China, a country with an economy five times the size of India’s and much stronger armed forces to boot. Rather, it was delighted to ‘fan the American fantasies that India might push back’ against China.” Still, India could be a useful friend for Washington. New Delhi naturally helps constrain the PRC, which borders 14 countries by land and several by sea, five of which were once military opponents. India is playing a growing economic and security role in both south and east Asia, developing significant relationships with countries as different as Myanmar and Japan. India’s most significant military role may come from its navy, which has moved beyond the Indian Ocean into the Pacific. The U.S. shouldn’t spend a lot to buy India’s favor. However, America shouldn’t ostentatiously drive New Delhi away. The upcoming Trump–Putin summit gives the president an excuse to drop his ill-considered tariff offensive against India. Then the administration should concentrate on completing trade negotiations and otherwise improving relations, relying as much on America’s private sector as government policy to draw New Delhi away from the Dark Side. Even more important, Trump should focus on being America’s president, rather than unwittingly revive “The Ugly American” trope, with its connotation of the overbearing arrogance which characterized U.S. policy around the globe during the Cold War. The president’s responsibility is to make sure no one else manages to run the world and, especially, meddle in the U.S. Protecting the American people will provide work enough for President Trump.  The post Trump Shouldn’t Push India to the Dark Side appeared first on The American Conservative.
Like
Comment
Share
Intel Uncensored
Intel Uncensored
5 w

Favicon 
www.infowars.com

VIDEO: Failed Senate & Presidential Candidate Beto O’Rourke Crawls Out Of His Hole To Compare Trump To Hitler While Talking Like A Total Fascist

"Who cares about the f**king rules right now?! Punch back, kick back, & win some f**king power!"
Like
Comment
Share
Intel Uncensored
Intel Uncensored
5 w

Bribes and Burner Phones: Whistleblower Outs Foreign Bribe Scheme Running DC | Shadow Gov Ep 3
Favicon 
www.sgtreport.com

Bribes and Burner Phones: Whistleblower Outs Foreign Bribe Scheme Running DC | Shadow Gov Ep 3

from ProjectVeritas: TRUTH LIVES on at https://sgtreport.tv/
Like
Comment
Share
Intel Uncensored
Intel Uncensored
5 w

Jonathan Turley Explains Why DC Crackdown By President Trump Cannot Be Stopped – BONUS – Three Stories That Sum Up The Gnarly Crime Problem In DC
Favicon 
www.sgtreport.com

Jonathan Turley Explains Why DC Crackdown By President Trump Cannot Be Stopped – BONUS – Three Stories That Sum Up The Gnarly Crime Problem In DC

by Harold Hutchison, All News Pipeline: George Washington University law professor Jonathan Turley said Monday President Donald Trump’s crackdown on crime in Washington, D.C. couldn’t be stopped due to the status of the nation’s capital. Trump announced the deployment of the National Guard to combat crime in the District of Columbia days after Department of […]
Like
Comment
Share
Showing 4444 out of 90942
  • 4440
  • 4441
  • 4442
  • 4443
  • 4444
  • 4445
  • 4446
  • 4447
  • 4448
  • 4449
  • 4450
  • 4451
  • 4452
  • 4453
  • 4454
  • 4455
  • 4456
  • 4457
  • 4458
  • 4459
Stop Seeing These Ads

Edit Offer

Add tier








Select an image
Delete your tier
Are you sure you want to delete this tier?

Reviews

In order to sell your content and posts, start by creating a few packages. Monetization

Pay By Wallet

Payment Alert

You are about to purchase the items, do you want to proceed?

Request a Refund