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Icholas
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Icholas
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Icholas
Icholas
12 m

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Icholas
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24 m

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Icholas
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24 m

Netflix is a popular platform for streaming TV dramas and films, offering a vast library of entertainment content. Netflix unblocked(https://www.safeshellvpn.com/b....log/netflix-unblocke ) refers to the process of gaining access to the platform's content that may be restricted in certain regions due to geographic or network restrictions, enabling users to enjoy a broader range of shows and movies.
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Intel Uncensored
Intel Uncensored
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⚠️ BREAKING - "THIS IS BIG" DEFENSE DEPT TESTED RADIO WAVE DEVICE FOR 12+ MONTHS
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Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
41 m

Anti-Police Sentiment in the UK Obscures the Real Culprit: Immigration
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Anti-Police Sentiment in the UK Obscures the Real Culprit: Immigration

UK Special Coverage Anti-Police Sentiment in the UK Obscures the Real Culprit: Immigration Police departments are pursuing bad policies, but they are downstream from the unmanageable immigration wave. UK Special Coverage Last November, when the Israeli football club Maccabi Tel Aviv travelled to Birmingham to play Aston Villa in the Europa League, no chants could be heard from the away end. Maccabi’s supporters had been banned by local authorities from attending the match, with West Midlands Police (WMP) insisting that the prospect of “significant hooliganism” from the Israeli fans meant their attendance posed a “credible threat to public safety”. This was a half-truth at best: Macca fans had travelled to most European cities without much issue. The Jewish supporters weren’t welcome in this particular city in the West Midlands for one simple reason: demographics. Birmingham as a whole, Britain’s second city, has been transformed over the past 80 years, its population falling from 99.6 percent white in 1951 to just 42.9 percent white British in 2021. In Aston Park, where the Villa Park stadium is situated, Muslims comprise fully 70 percent of residents. Anyone with even the faintest understanding of the attitudes of this population, whose tribal preening about “Gaza” has become far more organized and vociferous since October 7, 2023, knew immediately exactly what underlay this decision. If Israelis went to Birmingham, local Muslims, viewing them as emanations of a “genocidal” state, would have attacked them. Large-scale riots were likely to ensue. Indeed, the small number of British Jews and their supporters who did end up attending on the night to protest had to be confined by police to a metal cage near the ground for their own safety. Few have the stomach to seriously engage with the catastrophic failure of immigration policy of which the ban is a symptom. Local sectarian Muslim MPs had launched a petition against the fans attending, Birmingham imams said worshippers should “not show mercy to Maccabi Tel Aviv fans,” as antisemitic mobs prepared to visit violence upon Jews in a British city once hailed as the “workshop of the world.” So instead, the Westminster bubble has found a more comfortable focus of outrage: the police. After months of recriminations over the real reason for the ban, it recently transpired that as early as September, West Midlands Police (WMP) in fact had intelligence that “elements of the community” were planning to arm themselves and to target the Maccabi fans should they come to the city. Sooner than be candid about this, it seems they relied on spurious data-gathering about the Maccabi fans, following disorder at their match the previous year against Ajax in Amsterdam, to smear them and present them as highly violent hooligans. A WMP report claimed that Israeli fans had thrown innocent locals into canals; yet Dutch police insisted this had never happened—in fact, Amsterdam’s Muslims had thrown the visiting Israeli fans into canals. WMP now stands accused of fabricating a narrative to avoid admitting the ban was enforced because of local Islamist pressure. This week, WMP officials were again summoned to Parliament to account for themselves and duly raked over hot coals in front of the media. Leading politicians and commentators are now baying for the chief constable’s resignation. While it’s undeniable that the police’s behavior has been dishonest and arguably incompetent, there is something more than a little disingenuous, even hypocritical, about this chorus of condemnation from the powers that be. Yes, the police had taken pains to manufacture an agreeable narrative (that is, to lie) about the realities of multiculturalism in Britain—but in so doing they were only taking the lead of the same political establishment currently barracking them. After all, ever since the “antiracist” cultural revolution of the New Labour years, British policing has been bent aggressively towards the political class’s new diversity gospel. Crime reports have become scrupulously colorblind lest they give succor to negative “stereotypes”; a Metropolitan Police database of London gang crime recently had to be shut down because too many suspects on it were black. Meanwhile, legally mandatory “diversity” drives are pursued with such recklessly lowered standards that forces have ended up recruiting suspected child rapists.  Part of this is just woke posturing, but it also manifests in how the police actually approach crime itself. British policing’s embrace of state-sanctioned diversity ideology is why it now routinely treats minorities more favorably than whites, meaning it is rapidly losing public trust and increasingly derided as enforcing “two-tier” justice. The most egregious failure has been in the scandal of the grooming gangs. For decades, British police forces ignored, downplayed or covered up the grooming, rape and abuse of thousands of British girls across the country by predominantly Muslim Pakistani gangs, out of a desire to safeguard “community relations”. To keep the peace in their no-longer-homogeneous country, the British police today operate on what is known as “community policing,” whereby unruly immigrant groups are by and large appeased and left to their own devices. For instance, in 2024, after a second-generation migrant attacked a children’s dance class with a knife, murdering three little girls, the nativist riots which kicked off across the country were met with a fierce crackdown. But when armed Muslim mobs in Birmingham also took to the streets, attacking pubs and white passers-by, police let them have free rein. A WMP officer explained that his force had met with “community leaders…to understand the style of policing that we needed to deliver.” Westminster never batted an eye at either the Muslim mobs or the two-tier policing, with Sir Keir Starmer and his Government reserving all their condemnation for the white “far-right thugs”. But with football occupying such a large part of the national psyche, and this row having become too big to ignore, there needed to be someone to blame for the uncomfortable events of last autumn, and the lying provincial coppers fit the bill. As the officers tried haplessly to justify their behavior to Parliament this week, one MP hissed that it was “outrageous.” What’s really outrageous is that decades of reckless migration has rendered large parts of Britain’s inner cities ungovernable tribal fiefdoms—but no one is allowed to admit this. Whether it’s grooming gangs, black inner-city gang crime, or sectarian Muslim mobs, the major antisocial elements the British police have to deal with today have generally been imported by the same politicians now castigating the police’s failure to deal with those imported elements. The political class can blame coppers for the Maccabi fan ban all they want, but the police can only play the hand they are dealt. The post Anti-Police Sentiment in the UK Obscures the Real Culprit: Immigration appeared first on The American Conservative.
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A Distraction From the Epstein Files?
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A Distraction From the Epstein Files?

Politics A Distraction From the Epstein Files? Trump has successfully shifted the Overton Window away from elite sexual exploitation toward rotating foreign vendettas.  President Donald Trump has successfully evaded his trickiest quagmire—as quickly as the Epstein Files release came into view of the news cycle, it has essentially disappeared.  The Department of Justice was legally required to release the files by December 19, 2025, a month after Trump signed the Epstein Files Transparency Act on November 19. But for the third straight week, release of the Epstein Files has lapsed as DOJ officials continue to tell a federal judge they require additional time to review over a million documents potentially related to the Epstein Files. They claim to be taking important steps to make sure no victims are exposed through release, though this excuse has been met with skepticism by those demanding the Trump administration make good on his promise.  Among those critics is Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY), who has repeatedly questioned the actions of DOJ officials, who have only released an estimated 1 percent of all documents related to the Epstein Files. But, in an interview with CNN this week, Massie told host Jake Tapper that his deepest concerns aren’t about the volume of material being kept from public eyes, but specific documents that could spell trouble for elite members of American society.  “They’re still trying to protect billionaires, politically connected people, and trying to obscure the involvement of our own intelligence agencies,” Massie told reporters on Capitol Hill only days after the New Year.  Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA) has spearheaded the push for full disclosure along with Massie and has demanded federal judge Paul Engelmayer appoint a special master to oversee the mandatory release of the files.  “Frankly, the DOJ should welcome this,” Khanna said during an appearance with Lawrence O’Donnell in early January. “Have an independent person. We’re not saying Massie or I should do it. We’re not saying the survivors’ lawyers should do it. We’re just saying, have a judge appoint an independent person to interpret the statute and have a release of these documents.” Though officials with the DOJ argue their failure to meet the release deadline is in an effort to protect victims of Epstein’s sordid crimes, survivors issued a statement refuting this logic. “It is alarming that the United States Department of Justice, the very agency tasked with upholding the law, has violated the law, both by withholding massive quantities of documents, and by failing to redact survivor identities,” read part of the statement from a dozen women who suffered at the hands of Epstein and his associates.  Attorney General Pam Bondi and Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche have argued in the press that the volume of Epstein Files is enormous and that it was always going to take weeks, if not months longer than anticipated for a full review and release of the documents. But that excuse has not satisfied survivors or members of Congress who are accusing the Trump DOJ of dodging its responsibilities in an effort to protect political and business friends who have a history of mingling with Epstein.   “Trump’s DOJ has failed to submit a report to Congress, which is required to include a list of all government officials and politically exposed persons named or referenced in the released materials, without redactions,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) wrote in a post to X this week. “What are they trying to hide?” Trump has repeatedly suggested he has nothing to hide and that the Epstein Files are a “Democrat hoax,” despite the fact that his candidacy for presidency relied, in part, on the claim that an interconnected network of elite business, academic, and tech interests were working in tandem to deprive the average American of economic opportunities while living lives of depraved abundance. At its core, Make America Great Again was a promise to hand power back to the people who had been iced out of the private-jet, getaway-island economy for those at the top of American society. For the Trump administration to slow-walk disclosing those who took greatest advantage of their status is a smack in the face of many everyday Americans who powered MAGA’s ascendancy.  But for the Trump administration, Epstein is already clearly in the rearview mirror. Replaced, whether naturally or artificially, by bigger, more pressing concerns such as the capture of Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro, the potential ouster of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in Iran, a renewed fight with Fed Chair Jerome Powell, and a heightened push to “take” Greenland. With Epstein long dead, millions of documents slowly being processed, and an assortment of new frivolities on the main stage in the American political theater, the Trump administration has managed to shift the public away from questions of elite sexual exploitation and toward a carousel of foreign crises and domestic vendettas. The post A Distraction From the Epstein Files? appeared first on The American Conservative.
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Year One of Trump II
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Year One of Trump II

Politics Year One of Trump II The administration, like all administrations, has been a mixed bag. The question is whether the good or the bad will dominate in the second year. (Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images) It has been almost a full year of Trump II—full in more ways than one. There has been good and bad, and it’s worth surveying both sine ira et studio. But (and in one way this is the highest endorsement a journalist can make) it has undoubtedly been interesting. Foremost in the “good” column: The economy is ripping along. The Atlanta Fed expects the economy to have grown more than 5 percent in the fourth quarter of 2025, building on robust growth earlier in the year. The tariff schedule does not seem to have put a significant dent in growth, let alone brought about the economic cataclysm predicted by its most strident critics. This is a bit of a surprise; even those who supported it in some form expected real disruptions, particularly because of the administration’s peremptory implementation. At the same time, the trade deficit has in fact come down precipitously. Inflation remains lower than it was during the Biden administration, although still above the Federal Reserve’s 2 percent target. On the other hand, the jobs market is weak, unusually weak given the growth numbers; some analysts still fear that the AI boom, which has been the major driver for markets, is a bubble.  On immigration, the administration has delivered concrete success: Border crossings have fallen to almost nil, and deportations have proceeded at a steady clip. (Critics from the right who are unhappy with the pace of deportations should engage in some self-reflection about what they actually expected from the 2024 campaign’s visibly hyperbolic promises.) The victories haven’t been uniform; H-1B reform has been a bit of a mess, and the optics of enforcement have threatened the overall popularity of the administration’s immigration policy. (The ICE shooting in Minneapolis, while not the clear-cut martyrdom the activist left would claim, was messy and probably avoidable, and raises justifiable questions about the Department of Homeland Security’s flamboyant methods.) The biggest questions assailing the administration come from foreign policy, where improvisation is not so clearly the best approach and the Trump coalition’s internal divisions are clearest. The early pressure on Israel to end the war in Gaza has given way to an uneasy “ceasefire” that still involves an awful lot of military activity and a peace settlement that seems to be eternally pending. The flurry of diplomatic activity to end the Russia–Ukraine War has produced nothing concrete, although American financial exposure has been drastically reduced. The U.S. went 15 rounds with Iranian nuclear negotiators, a process that produced several promising deal outlines, only to finish the effort off by bombing the Iranian nuclear sites to unclear effect.  Nor are the prospects going forward much clearer: The administration kicked off implementing the National Security Strategy’s laudable pivot to the Western Hemisphere with the spectacular military extraction of Venezuela’s Nicolas Maduro, leaving questions about how deep American involvement in the Bolivarian Republic’s management will go. Trump is making threatening noises at Iran again over its suppression of antigovernment protests. Something inscrutable is happening about Greenland. An optimist would note two positive strains in this: First, the administration tends to frame justifications of foreign policy, even aggressive foreign policy, in terms of the national interest. (This is not to endorse the substance of the administration’s arguments, which is at times pretty dubious.) Second, the administration seems to have a persistent allergy to boots-on-the-ground operations. These are real improvements on the Clinton-Bush-Obama foreign policy consensus. On the other hand, it is not clear that using sudden overwhelming force and walking away is the sort of move you can pull indefinitely. And this is not to mention the perhaps quaint concerns about militarism and republican government. It is worth striking a final, gloomy note on social policy: Social conservatism is over. From Trump twisting legislators’ arms to be “flexible” on the Hyde Amendment, already a pretty meager sop to the pro-life crowd, to cannabis rescheduling, it’s hard not to see the Christian right in bad decline on the issues that matter most to it. Rolling back DEI programs doesn’t count for much in the balance against over a million fetal murders a year. The persistent criticism of the first Trump term was that the administration appeared incapable of executing on its policy ideas. This no longer seems to be the case; the dysfunctions appear to be the result of actual flaws or incoherencies in policy. I was perhaps over-optimistic about the administration’s ability or will to synthesize an agreeable program out of its governing coalition, particularly on foreign policy. (My sanguinity about Marco Rubio in particular seems to have been misplaced.) And, since midterms are unlikely to strengthen Republicans’ hand in the legislature, the agenda will be pursued in the spheres where the executive has the freest hand—foreign policy and law enforcement—which will tend to keep the contradictions and bad policies at the fore. The thematic questions are whether Rubio and Stephen Miller will continue to be the apparent drivers of policy, and whether the Democrats will be able to strengthen their legislative power such that they can frustrate the administration’s agenda. It has certainly been a mixed bag—all administrations are—but it is tendentious to argue that a Harris presidency would have been better. Onward. The post Year One of Trump II appeared first on The American Conservative.
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