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4 hrs

President Trump’s America First Trade Agenda Will Help Republicans Win 2026 Midterms
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President Trump’s America First Trade Agenda Will Help Republicans Win 2026 Midterms

President Donald Trump recently stated that “losing our ability to Tariff other countries who treat us unfairly would be a terrible blow to the United States of America,”and he’s not wrong. With…
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4 hrs

Transportation Department’s Cost-Cutting Measures Expected to Save $600 Million
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Transportation Department’s Cost-Cutting Measures Expected to Save $600 Million

Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy speaks during a press conference at LaGuardia Airport in New York City on Oct. 28, 2025. Michael M. Santiago/Getty ImagesU.S. Department of Transportation (DOT) Secretary…
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4 hrs

Trump Says Microsoft Will Make Changes to Address Data Centers Pushing up Electricity Bills
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Trump Says Microsoft Will Make Changes to Address Data Centers Pushing up Electricity Bills

Microsoft offices in Mountain View, Calif., on July 31, 2025. John Fredricks/The Epoch TimesPresident Donald Trump said on Jan. 12 that Microsoft will “make major changes” this week to ensure that…
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4 hrs

Trump Says Microsoft Will Make Changes to Address Data Centers Pushing up Electricity Bills
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Trump Says Microsoft Will Make Changes to Address Data Centers Pushing up Electricity Bills

Microsoft offices in Mountain View, Calif., on July 31, 2025. John Fredricks/The Epoch TimesPresident Donald Trump said on Jan. 12 that Microsoft will “make major changes” this week to ensure that…
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4 hrs

Europe needs to calm down about Greenland
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Europe needs to calm down about Greenland

By Jarrett Stepman, Op-ed contributor Tuesday, January 13, 2026Graphic by AFP via Getty ImagesIs the United States about to invade Greenland?If you listen to EU politicians and much of the U.S. legacy…
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4 hrs

Trump and the Hyde Amendment: We can't be flexible here
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Trump and the Hyde Amendment: We can't be flexible here

By Tony Perkins, CP Op-Ed Contributor Tuesday, January 13, 2026Created Equal Vice President Seth Drayer raises awareness about abortion in Washington, D.C., outside of the Capital One Arena on Jan. 20,…
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4 hrs

Things Catholics should know about our relationship to the Jews — especially now
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Things Catholics should know about our relationship to the Jews — especially now

By Simone Rizkallah, Op-ed contributor Tuesday, January 13, 2026Israel flag with a view of old city Jerusalem and the Western Wall. | Getty ImagesI was recently asked to comment on a popular reel circulating…
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4 hrs

Parental Control: MS NOW’s Katy Tur Defends ‘Mother of Three’ Narrative by Invoking ‘Maryland Father’
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Parental Control: MS NOW’s Katy Tur Defends ‘Mother of Three’ Narrative by Invoking ‘Maryland Father’

The legacy media loves its fake narratives. We’re experiencing one right now as ‘journalists’ and their fellow Democrats preface any discussion of Renee Good with the phrase, ‘She’s a mother…
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Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
5 hrs

A Conservative Requiem for Bob Weir and the Grateful Dead
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A Conservative Requiem for Bob Weir and the Grateful Dead

Culture A Conservative Requiem for Bob Weir and the Grateful Dead The rhythm guitarist’s death marks the end of an era of Americana.  Contrary to what non-Deadheads might expect, conservatives across the country were saddened last Saturday to hear of the death of Bob Weir, Grateful Dead rhythm guitarist and the cute, preppie one.   Although a psychedelic, tie-dyed rock band out of Haight-Ashbury doesn’t seem synonymous with right-wing sensibilities, it was—a lot more than people probably think. The Grateful Dead was supremely American.  No other nation on earth could have produced music like this, a synthesis of blues, R&B, country, folk, rock, even a little jazz.  Nowhere else would a band origin story be the following: The 16-year-old Weir and friends were bumming around Palo Alto on New Year’s Eve 1963, heard the sound of a banjo, and followed it to a music store where they happened upon Jerry Garcia waiting for his banjo students to show up. They never did, so Bobby and his friends picked up some instruments and played jug music with Jerry into the night. It was so much fun, Jerry and Bobby decided to form a band called Mother McCree’s Uptown Jug Champions, which became the Warlocks, and then the Grateful Dead.  Find that in Japan—find it in England. Bobby himself was deeply American, a lover of cowboy culture. In fact, before meeting Jerry, he had worked as a ranch hand in Wyoming.  Fortuitously, he spent his evenings in the bunkhouse with the old horsemen, playing guitar as they sang songs. Several of his own songs for the Dead, like “Jack Straw,” and “Mexicali Blues,” told cowboy stories, as did some of his staple covers, like Merle Haggard’s “Mama Tried” and John Phillips’s “Me and My Uncle.”  The band was wildly individualistic and self-reliant.  Long before the internet ended music studios’ role as gatekeepers, able to make or break musical careers, the Dead were off on their own, giving their music away and making money almost exclusively through their concerts—unheard of at the time.  In their prime, they were among the highest-grossing band in the world. The Dead’s stalwart fans would go to an entire run of shows in one town.  Every night was different.  Hardcore Deadheads followed the band from town to town, either as “trustafarians,” or supporting themselves by selling copyright-violating t-shirts (Memorex ad: “Is it live or is it Dead,” “Absolut Dead,” “Phils’ Bass Rippin’”), candles, jewelry, and frightening-looking “veggie burritos.”  Special tickets were available for a “tapers” section, allowing audiophiles to record the concerts from the floor, then give the tapes away. It was all about the concerts.  (While we’re on how creative Deadheads were, the “-head” thing is ours.  Phish-heads (Phish), Parrot-heads (Jimmy Buffett), Crue-heads (Motley Crue), Diamondheads (Neil Diamond)—get your own names.) Deadheads’ obsessive attention to detail is reminiscent of Talmudic scholars.  The Deadbase, an encyclopedic set list of every Dead concert, minutely recorded how often a song was played first, last, preceding and following intermission; the first song after “Space”—i.e. rambling atonal sounds, or “time to get a beer for non-drug-takers”—which songs were played in which city, state, country, and venue.  All this was compiled by the fans. Once only available in telephone book-sized volumes, now the database is available on the Internet.   You can find out, for example, that Weir was the lead singer on about a third of their songs, including the band’s first and second most performed songs, “Me and My Uncle” and “Sugar Magnolia.”  One oddity was the band’s ludicrously detailed instructions for ordering concert tickets by mail—requests had to be sent in a #10 envelope, holding a 3”x5” card with your name, address, phone number, plus the show requested and number of tickets; a money order for the precise amount; and a return envelope (also #10!), stamped and self-addressed.  Finally, the envelope had to be postmarked on the day tickets became available.  Failure to comply with any of these instructions would lead to rejection.  You’d imagine such exacting instructions for tickets to a gene-splicing seminar, not a rock band associated with psychedelics. Deadheads’ Asperger’s-like characteristics would not be surprising to Critical Race Theory devotees, who claim characteristics like independence, self-reliance, hard work, and linear thinking are markers of “white supremacy.”  It is at least true that, outside of a ski lodge hosting a croquet convention, you would be hard pressed to find so many white people in one place as at a Dead show. There was little else to distinguish them: college students, doctors, lawyers, politicians, hippies, and preppies—all well represented at Dead shows.  The fans were also eminently polite and conflict-averse—other supposed markers of white supremacy! When a “Greenpeace” sign flashed before a Dead show at RFK stadium once, some in my crowd booed.  It was for our own amusement, but the people in front of us asked why they’d booed, purely out of curiosity. My friend explained, saying nuclear power was the cleanest energy and Greenpeace was against it.  They listened attentively and said something like, “Cool, man,” then offered him a hit off a joint. Unfortunately, the band did get a little political after Jerry died, holding concerts for Obama in 2008.  Based on his own statements, it’s hard to believe Jerry would have gone along with this. He called the politics of the ’60s “lame,” saying it was the spirit of the time that was the important thing, and criticized bands like Crosby, Stills, Nash & Young for bringing politics into music. Appropriately, Jerry’s last words to Bobby came as they were leaving what would be their final performance, on July 9, 1995, at Soldier Field. Jerry slapped Bobby on the back and said, “Always a hoot.” Weir lived an extraordinary life and continued to play his self-created bands for a quarter century after Jerry’s passing. (A diabetic, overweight heroin addict, Jerry did not observe the adage to treat his body like a temple and died in 1995 at age 53.).  Their music remains wildly popular on Sirius satellite radio—where the Dead have their own channel—in sports arenas, at ski lifts, and in my brother’s car.  To demonstrate their esoteric knowledge of the band, a common Deadhead refrain was to say, “Phil makes the band”—referring to bassist, Phil Lesh.  It was obviously absurd, but served to establish that the speaker was a true connoisseur.   Jerry’s death pretty much ended that.  But while never again appearing as “The Grateful Dead,” surviving band members continued playing as The Other Ones, The Dead, RatDog, Furthur, and Dead & Company, among others.  Jerry was the heart and soul of the band, but cofounder Bobby was a close second. With his death, it’s the bookend on an American phenomenon. The post A Conservative Requiem for Bob Weir and the Grateful Dead appeared first on The American Conservative.
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Conservative Voices
5 hrs

After Venezuela, Many Brazilians Skeptical as Washington Celebrates From Afar
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After Venezuela, Many Brazilians Skeptical as Washington Celebrates From Afar

Foreign Affairs After Venezuela, Many Brazilians Skeptical as Washington Celebrates From Afar U.S. elites cheer regime change while the region recalls a long history of intervention. As the Economist reported this week, the Trump administration’s decision to overthrow and abduct Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro—bombing the country and killing more than 80 people—has alarmed much of Latin America. As in the United States, where most Americans oppose U.S. military involvement in the hemisphere, opposition is widespread across Latin America, where countries over the past century have repeatedly been subjected to U.S.-imposed military dictatorships or proxy rulers. That is especially true in Brazil, where Lyndon B. Johnson and the CIA installed a repressive military dictatorship that imposed mass censorship and killed, disappeared and tortured tens of thousands of people. Condemning the U.S. operation in Venezuela, Brazil’s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva said the attack had crossed “an unacceptable line,” representing “a grave affront to Venezuela’s sovereignty and set yet another extremely dangerous precedent for the entire international community.” He wrote that “attacking countries, in flagrant violation of international law, is the first step toward a world of violence, chaos, and instability, where the law of the strongest prevails over multilateralism,” and said the incident recalled “the worst moments of interference in the politics of Latin America and the Caribbean.” Bruno Teixeira, a Rio de Janeiro resident who identifies as left-wing and previously worked at the World Bank, said the operation reinforced longstanding regional fears about U.S. power. “I have no sympathy for Maduro, a dictator responsible for countless atrocities against the Venezuelan people,” Teixeira said. “But the way he was removed raises serious concerns.”  “We are already witnessing consequences,” says Teixeira, noting that the EU–Mercosur trade deal, stalled for more than two decades, was approved just days after the Venezuela strike. “Other nations may now increasingly pursue globalization without relying on U.S. leadership.” Teixeira said U.S. intervention in Latin America has been a constant since the Monroe Doctrine, but acknowledged that this case was distinct in its candor. “What distinguishes this operation is Trump’s openness about his motives,” he said. “Rather than invoking democracy or human rights, he spoke openly about taking control of Venezuela’s oil and said the United States would ‘run the country.’ He even dismissed the Venezuelan opposition leader as unfit to govern.” While many on Brazil’s left either oppose or express skepticism toward US military action in South America, smaller factions of the political right, aligned with the Bolsonaro political movement that has been completely neutered by the country’s chief judge and chief censor Alexandre de Moraes, welcome the United States’ role.  Eduardo Bolsonaro, the son of jailed former President Jair Bolsonaro and supposed successor to his father, celebrated the intervention on his YouTube channel, and posted on social media that with Maduro’s capture “now Lula, Petro,” and the left-wing “São Paulo Forum… face terrible days ahead.”  But it is hard to believe Lula in particular has anything to worry about, having defeated the Trump administration’s sanctions and tariffs regime only a few months after they were put into place. Alexandre de Moraes, the individual most directly responsible for Bolsonaro’s jailing, completely dodged Magnitsky Act penalties and has consolidated control over the country’s top court. He now travels freely around the world while protecting his corrupt banking executive friends. Talking to people on the streets of Brazil, it is hard to find anyone who goes as far as Eduardo Bolsonaro. Henrique, 63, who operates a newsstand in Rio and said he voted for Jair Bolsonaro in the last election, supported the U.S. operation and said it should have happened years ago, describing Maduro as a tyrant. But asked whether the United States should intervene directly in Brazil, unlike the supposed new leaders of Brazil’s right, he sees a distinction. Brazil, he said, “is not Venezuela—at least not yet.”  In the U.S., the Trump administration’s overthrow and abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro was followed by a week of public celebration from government spokesmen, both official and de facto. Senator Ted Cruz (R-TX) and Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R-TX) both praised the strike. Senator Lindsey Graham (R-SC) wrote on X that with Maduro’s fall “an evil, narcoterrorist dictator has fallen, creating a path for freedom for the … hard working people of Venezuela,” and urged that the United States “bring justice” and confront the drug networks he claimed Maduro had led. Matt Walsh, a conservative podcaster at the Daily Wire, called Maduro’s capture “one of the most brilliant military operations in American history” in a post on X. But the enthusiasm heard in Washington and on American cable news is difficult to find in Brazil. The post After Venezuela, Many Brazilians Skeptical as Washington Celebrates From Afar appeared first on The American Conservative.
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