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YubNub News
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5 hrs

Trump’s ‘Low-Key’ Economic Strategy Won’t Work
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Trump’s ‘Low-Key’ Economic Strategy Won’t Work

[View Article at Source]Sanctions alone rarely force capitulation or even major concessions. The post Trump’s ‘Low-Key’ Economic Strategy Won’t Work appeared first on The American Conservative.…
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YubNub News
YubNub News
5 hrs

Don’t let socialists fool you: They still want to abolish police, and prisons too
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Don’t let socialists fool you: They still want to abolish police, and prisons too

By Jarrett Stepman, Op-ed contributor Saturday, August 15, 2026A Trump supporter holds a sign saying 'Say No To Socialism' during an international ceremony attended by leaders from NATO member states…
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YubNub News
YubNub News
5 hrs

Platner is Gone—The Threat to Collins Isn’t
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Platner is Gone—The Threat to Collins Isn’t

[View Article at Source]Despite an embarrassing scandal, Troy Jackson may be a stronger Democratic nominee. The post Platner is Gone—The Threat to Collins Isn’t appeared first on The American Conservative.…
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YubNub News
YubNub News
5 hrs

‘Woke 1’ Never Really Went Away
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‘Woke 1’ Never Really Went Away

[View Article at Source]Progressives may be less forthcoming, but they haven’t changed their beliefs since the mass lunacy of 2020. The post ‘Woke 1’ Never Really Went Away appeared first on The…
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YubNub News
YubNub News
5 hrs

Displacement, erasure and a 5-star tour: Inside Artsakh's Christian heritage crisis
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Displacement, erasure and a 5-star tour: Inside Artsakh's Christian heritage crisis

By Paul Murray, Op-ed Contributor Saturday, August 15, 2026A priest stands in front of a church in Stepanakert on September 27, 2023. Armenia said on Sept. 27, 2023, that 42,500 refugees have arrived…
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YubNub News
YubNub News
5 hrs

How China, Russia, Iran and North Korea team up to crush Christians
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How China, Russia, Iran and North Korea team up to crush Christians

By Samuel Ben-Ur, Op-ed contributor Saturday, August 15, 2026iStock/wildpixelIn China, faith in Christ as the only way to Heaven is considered “cultist” theology by the government. In Russia,…
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Young Conservatives
Young Conservatives
6 hrs

That UChicago professor arrested for alleged battery on a cop? It’s Abdul El-Sayed’s sister.
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That UChicago professor arrested for alleged battery on a cop? It’s Abdul El-Sayed’s sister.

It turns out that a controversial University of Chicago professor arrested last year for alleged felony aggravated battery on a police officer is the sister of Abdul El-Sayed, the Democratic nominee for a U.S. Senate seat in Michigan. Eman Abdelhadi, an assistant professor focused on religion, gender, identity, and demography, is El-Sayed’s maternal half-sister, the Washington Free Beacon… Source
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Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
6 hrs

Trump’s ‘Low-Key’ Economic Strategy Won’t Work
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Trump’s ‘Low-Key’ Economic Strategy Won’t Work

Foreign Affairs Trump’s ‘Low-Key’ Economic Strategy Won’t Work Sanctions alone rarely force capitulation or even major concessions. Although President Donald Trump is unable to publicly admit that “mistakes were made” in his war with Iran—as American leaders sometimes describe their own blunders—he seems to be implicitly acknowledging that the military strategy he pursued has failed. He’s moving to a new strategy of extracting concessions from Iran via economic coercion, rather than bombing. Trump has described this as a “low-key” and longer-term approach to the conflict. He is concentrating on opening the Strait of Hormuz, downgrading the focus on negotiating with Iran over its nuclear program, which he has insisted is now buried deeply underground and thus out of commission anyway. It was probably no coincidence that Trump’s strategic shift coincided with two developments: 1) American public awareness that expensive U.S. missile stockpiles had been mismanaged, resulting in dangerously low supplies that cannot be replenished quickly; 2) recent maximalist demands by Iran’s Supreme National Security Council. That body demanded that Washington, just to get the Strait of Hormuz back open, quit threatening Iran, permanently end the war, withdraw its military from the region, compensate Iran for war damage, remove its naval blockade of Iranian ports, remove economic sanctions, and unfreeze Iranian assets.  Yet Trump’s strategy of wearing Iran down economically would seemingly require him to keep the blockade and sanctions in place and the assets frozen, and certainly rules out providing war reparations. Moreover, the strategy isn’t truly “new”—America has long maintained economic pressure on Iran—and there’s little reason to suppose it will work now. Sanctions are, or should be, economic penalties designed to achieve political goals. But academic studies cast doubt on the effectiveness of imposing even draconian economic pressure to force capitulation or compliance. No doubt, severe sanctions can immiserate populations. But they have two problems. The first is that, like bombing, economic sanctions tend to rally the targeted population around even odious governments, such as the theocratic regime in Iran. (Sometimes sanctions inflict even more widespread pain on a society than bombing.) The rally-around-the-flag phenomenon has been demonstrated time and time again in many countries under grinding political, military, or economic coercion from an outside actor. Second, Trump’s comments on a “low-key” strategy of economic attrition implied that the longer U.S. economic pressure lasted, the more likely Iran would cry uncle and begin seriously negotiating an end to the war. Yet my research has shown that although economic sanctions do take some time to implement and achieve maximum economic bite, over the long term, target countries become adroit at evading the sanctions, mitigating the coercive effect. In this case, Iran has plenty of open land borders with other countries through which commerce, both legal and illegal, can flow. In addition, the United Arab Emirates has an economic relationship with Iran by sea. My research has shown that even drastic, comprehensive, and multilateral economic sanctions regimes have failed to achieve their political ends. For example, some of the most comprehensive multilateral economic sanctions in world history were imposed on Saddam Hussein’s Iraq, beginning in the early 1990s, to persuade him to withdraw his invasion forces from Kuwait. The blunt force of sanctions inflicted widespread economic pain, but did not cause Saddam to pull back his troops. In fact, economic sanctions may be scarier to the target when threatened than when implemented, because after the sanctions come, the target then realizes there are many ways to move around them. Economic sanctions, like bombing, usually achieve only modest goals and fail to improve the target state’s behavior. Since World War II, the United States has been the biggest user of economic sanctions, framing them as punishments for states that violate the rules-based order. In reality, most U.S. sanctions are imposed as a “goldilocks” option when the U.S. government wants to push back against an official adversary but diplomatic protest appears too weak and military force seems too strong or risky. The main function of sanctions is therefore political: showing the American people and special interests that the U.S. government is taking some kind of action against the bad guys. President Trump may see the “low-key” economic strategy as serving that domestic political aim. Unfortunately, what he most needs now—both politically and geopolitically—is to get the Strait of Hormuz back open and the Iran war in the rear-view mirror. Instead of waiting for economic sanctions to bring Iran to the negotiating table, Trump should cut his already substantial losses and secure whatever deal he still can with Tehran. The post Trump’s ‘Low-Key’ Economic Strategy Won’t Work appeared first on The American Conservative.
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Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
6 hrs

Platner is Gone—The Threat to Collins Isn’t
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Platner is Gone—The Threat to Collins Isn’t

Politics Platner is Gone—The Threat to Collins Isn’t Despite an embarrassing scandal, Troy Jackson may be a stronger Democratic nominee. When Graham Platner, the Democratic Senate nominee for Maine in this year’s midterm election, announced on July 8 that he was suspending his campaign and then formally withdrew two days later, many Republicans celebrated. A cascade of controversies, from his Nazi-linked tattoo to a sexual assault allegation he still denies, had shattered the campaign of the tough-talking, lumberjack-looking oyster farmer who’d pitched himself as a political outsider with deep Maine roots. Even Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) and Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), his earliest champions, turned on him. Though Republicans hadn’t landed the fateful blow, they still basked in the warm glow of what appeared to be an opportunity for incumbent Sen. Susan Collins (R-ME) to regain a much-needed foothold in the race. But Republicans may have celebrated too early. With Platner’s exit, Maine Democrats and party officials got the chance to reload behind a more professional version: Troy Jackson, the president of the Maine Senate from 2018 to 2024. A former logger with a progressive policy record, Jackson embraces a populist economic message that mirrors Platner’s own, calling for taxes on the rich and “Medicare for All.” The response from Republicans to the candidate switcheroo has been illuminating. Within days of Jackson’s nomination, the Republican National Committee branded him a “Bernie Bro” bent on shoving “socialism down the throats of Maine voters.” Collins’s own campaign has been measured but no less pointed, casting Jackson as handpicked by party insiders and warning that his Medicare-for-All platform would leave low- and middle-income Mainers footing the bill. Though Collins is taking the new nominee seriously, not everyone in Republican circles is convinced that Jackson is a tougher adversary than Platner. Lance Dutson, a GOP strategist who has worked on Collins’s past campaigns but isn’t involved in this one, argues the race has reset in Republicans’ favor. “People are going to be able to put his record up against Collins’ record. And there’s really no comparison between the two,” Dutson told NBC. The strategist noted that Collins, who is presently the chairwoman of the Senate Appropriations Committee, has brought “literally billions and billions of dollars” to Maine.  But what initially appeared like a lifeline for Collins, who had trailed Platner in polling and in the prediction markets for much of 2026, has quickly turned into an equally tough race for the five-term incumbent. A Public Policy Polling flash survey taken just before Platner’s exit found Jackson ahead of Collins by five points, 49 to 44. A nonpartisan University of New Hampshire poll in late July found Jackson up three, 49 to 46. And a Hart Research poll released in early August, which was conducted for the Democratic-aligned Senate Majority PAC, put Jackson’s lead at four points, 49 to 45, with the pollster noting Collins is in “notably worse shape” than she was at a comparable point in her 2020 race against Sara Gideon. The prediction markets tell a similar story. On Polymarket, at time of writing, Jackson holds a measurable lead over Collins, with his contract trading at 70 cents to the dollar. On Kalshi, Jackson is trading at 65 cents to the dollar.  Regardless of what the polling data and betting markets say, Dutson has questioned whether Jackson’s progressive politics will play in rural Maine, telling NBC News that Jackson’s alignment with figures such as Sanders could be a liability outside the state’s metro areas. But Jackson has spent two decades disproving that claim, winning reelection to his rural Senate seat in Aroostook county, a district that has otherwise trended toward Trump, as recently as 2022. And there’s one especially consequential demographic Jackson may be better positioned to win than Platner was: women.  In Maine, women made up nearly 60 percent of total turnout in the 2020 presidential election, according to exit polling. That year, they backed former President Joe Biden by 23 points over Trump, but favored Collins by three points in her Senate race. While Collins has proved she’s capable of winning the women’s vote in Maine, Jackson enters the general election without the extraordinary personal baggage that ultimately made Platner vulnerable with precisely that demographic. Speaking with NPR on August 7th, Stacy Leafsong, an early Platner supporter, said Jackson “really needs to speak to the women in Maine, and really convince them that he’s going to advocate well for them.” That’s not to say Jackson doesn’t have some personal baggage of his own. In a report published late July, Maine Wire editor Steve Robinson claimed that Jackson and his longtime partner, Lana Pelletier, are second cousins and have two children together, based on genealogical records. The relationship is not illegal, as Maine law does not prohibit sexual relations or marriage between second cousins. The Maine Wire report also noted that such a relationship is not considered unusual in parts of rural northern Maine. Jackson’s campaign did not address the allegation directly, instead calling the attacks “shameful” and arguing that the Collins campaign “will do anything to distract from the fact that she votes with Trump 96 percent of the time and has sold out working people in Maine.” So far, the controversy has failed to generate the sort of negative publicity necessary to implode Jackson’s campaign. Discussion over the allegations has remained largely confined to Fox News and social media. And when asked about the allegations this week, Senate Democrats brushed them aside, reaffirming support for Jackson’s campaign. “I haven’t heard of these reports,” Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-MD) said. “Troy Jackson is somebody who’s obviously in this fight for working people.” With fewer than 90 days to go until the Maine general election on November 3, Collins still has time, and considerable funding, to close the narrow gap in polling. Her biggest obstacle at the moment may be the Republican Party itself, which is struggling to sell an unpopular war in Iran and is facing negative approval ratings on the economy. With the chasm between America’s monied interests and working people growing ever wider, the message of a former logger making the case for economic reform may become increasingly difficult for Maine voters to resist, second-cousin scandals notwithstanding. The post Platner is Gone—The Threat to Collins Isn’t appeared first on The American Conservative.
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Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
6 hrs

‘Woke 1’ Never Really Went Away
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‘Woke 1’ Never Really Went Away

Politics ‘Woke 1’ Never Really Went Away Progressives may be less forthcoming, but they haven’t changed their beliefs since the mass lunacy of 2020. Photo by: John Senter/UCG/Universal Images Group via Getty Images Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) has popularized a new way for lefty Democrats to excuse their ideological excesses of the recent past. “Woke 1 was crazy,” she told ABC News on Sunday. The possible 2028 contender made the comment to excuse previous extreme positions taken by the Wisconsin socialist politician Francesca Hong, dismissing them as all part of some youthful indiscretion. Hong and the rest of the left have now grown up and aren’t so crazy, we are told. The main problem with AOC’s statement is its past tense. Woke 1 is still around and just as crazy as ever. Leftists have just gotten better at tailoring their radical positions to the public. Only fools would think the left has ditched Woke 1.  Wokeism has been evident in many Democratic primaries, if you look deeply enough. Wisconsin’s Democratic governor primary, for example, does look at first like a rejection of woke: In spite of Hong distancing herself from her woke past, she still lost to a respectable moderate. But this is a shallow interpretation.  Hong didn’t really disavow her past. A month ago, she still supported defunding police and abolishing prisons as an “aspirational goal.” Hong’s own campaign told Fox News that she hadn’t truly moved on from her controversial views on the topic: “Her values haven’t changed, but the way she talks about this issue has.” Hong later offered a mealy-mouthed statement trying to explain her past support for defunding the police. She claimed she doesn’t believe in abolishing police and no longer believes law enforcement represents white supremacy. But she left enough room in her statements to let supporters know that she still wanted to restrain police and potentially cut their funding.  While Hong has complained about literally every American holiday, she tried to laugh it off as just her being a “curmudgeon.” In Hong’s answer after first being asked about her desire to cancel “racist” Thanksgiving, she said that the holiday is “painful” for many. After facing more criticism, she decided to say it was her favorite holiday. While she tried to change her tune about abolishing police and Thanksgiving, she didn’t relent on wanting to eliminate immigration enforcement. She was very open on the campaign trail about her support for abolishing ICE and turning Wisconsin into a sanctuary state.  Her opponent was also pretty woke. Crowley is hostile to ICE and would like the Badger State to curb immigration enforcement. He’s also used woke rhetoric to police his critics. Crowley, who is black, pulled the race card a week before the election: “I’ve worked extremely hard to be where I am today and so when people try to call me the establishment, I look at that as a slur, particularly as an African-American candidate,” he told reporters. In 2020, Crowley, as Milwaukee County executive, called racism a public health crisis. He’s also fervently advocated for DEI. He’s hardly a rebuke of woke. If Woke 1 was so crazy, which positions were wrong to take? “Abolish ICE” is even more popular today, with both “moderate” and DSA candidates entertaining the idea. No Democrat is rebuking DEI or the idea of reparations. No Democrat is apologizing for pushing gender theory and white privilege training onto kids. The only discernible change is that they no longer openly call for the end of policing. They now use more palatable language on the issue—while still backing soft-on-crime policies. New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani is the master of creating artificial distance between himself and Woke 1. He campaigned on bread-and-butter issues instead of on an Ibram X. Kendi wishlist. It’s how he became mayor. But he still supports all the same standard woke issues. He’s spending taxpayer dollars supporting “gender-affirming” care. He still wants to tax white New Yorkers more than other residents. He wants to abolish ICE. He’s open to reparations for slavery. And he unveiled his own radical “racial equity plan” earlier this year.  The one non-woke thing about Mamdani is that he isn’t pushing to cut the police budget. However, the Democratic Socialists of America—of which he is a part—officially aims to abolish prisons and the police. Their candidates have enough freedom to take a different line, but on every other issue, the group remains woke as ever.   Even in primaries where both candidates try to get away from woke, it creeps back up. In the hotly contested Texas Democratic primary for Senate, Jasmine Crockett’s supporters accused James Talarico of encouraging white supremacy. There was zero evidence of this, and no one with a functioning brain would see Talarico as a Klansman. Talarico, a supposed moderate, has a long record of apologizing for his whiteness, among other woke statements. Even in red Texas, Democrats can only field woke candidates to take on Republicans. The 2028 presidential primary will likely revive many aspects of Woke 1. Candidates will vie to be the most anti-ICE. They won’t shy away from defending DEI and trans rights. Many will go on record entertaining reparations. And a few will probably “share their pronouns,” as woke progressives call the strange practice. There will probably be very few differences between the timbre of 2028 debates and Woke 1.  There’s an incredibly insulting aspect to AOC’s “Woke 1 was crazy” statement. It dismisses responsibility for the mass insanity on the part of those who made it possible, as though wokeness was a fun party that got out of hand. Kids will be kids and no one should hold anyone responsible for the mess. It was no big deal! And anyway, they’ve learned their lesson. But Woke 1 was no harmless act. It hurt people. It made crime skyrocket. It opened our borders to millions of illegal migrants. It taught white students to hate themselves. It convinced some students to change their gender and permanently damage their body. It encouraged leading lawmakers and celebrities to openly hate America for being racist, sexist, and homophobic.  It was not some harmless party that got out of hand. It was not just some loopy rhetoric of irresponsible kids. Woke 1 became policy and ruined the country. And laughing about it doesn’t change that fact. Especially when Democrats can’t explain how they’ve changed. Their newfound rhetorical carefulness shouldn’t convince voters they’ve left the lunacy behind. It’s a cynical ploy to win over voters, all while not taking any responsibility for the ruin wrought by wokeness. Woke 1 didn’t go away. If anything, it’s likely to be AOC’s 2028 platform. The post ‘Woke 1’ Never Really Went Away appeared first on The American Conservative.
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