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Trump Administration Announces Boeing Deals in Central Asia
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Trump Administration Announces Boeing Deals in Central Asia

The logo of Boeing is seen at the 55th International Paris Airshow at Le Bourget Airport near Paris, France, on June 20, 2025. Benoit Tessier/Pool via ReutersWASHINGTON—President Donald Trump’s administration…
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Intel Uncensored
Intel Uncensored
2 hrs ·Youtube News & Oppinion

YouTube
? BAD NEWS JUST HIT AMERICA – GET READY FOR THIS ONE!
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Salty Cracker Feed
Salty Cracker Feed
2 hrs

Mexican George Floyd Fakes Seizure & Uses Baby as Shield Against ICE
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Mexican George Floyd Fakes Seizure & Uses Baby as Shield Against ICE

The post Mexican George Floyd Fakes Seizure & Uses Baby as Shield Against ICE appeared first on SALTY.
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Classic Rock Lovers
Classic Rock Lovers  
2 hrs

Why Interpol have never regretted their ‘Friends’ appearance
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Why Interpol have never regretted their ‘Friends’ appearance

Peak Manhattan moment. The post Why Interpol have never regretted their ‘Friends’ appearance first appeared on Far Out Magazine.
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2 hrs

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Fourth and Funded: College Football’s Fiscal Fumble

Through week ten of the college football season, the ledger on what universities owe their former coaches in buyouts was nearly $185 million.  It all commenced in week three when Virginia Tech decided to fire head coach Brent Pry, who was owed a buyout of $6 million. Not to be outdone, UCLA followed suit, dismissing DeShaun Foster and incurring a $6.43 million tab. By week four, Oklahoma State joined the fray, cutting ties with Mike Gundy at a cost of $15 million. Week five brought Arkansas into the spotlight, as Sam Pittman’s exit added another $8.7 million to the coaching carousel’s ledger. Then came the avalanche. Because when tens of millions are at stake, nothing says “fiscal responsibility” like a committee of emotionally charged alumni arguing over play-calling and buyout calculus. Over the next month, four more programs opened their wallets: Penn State’s departure from James Franklin carried a staggering $50 million price tag; Florida’s split with Billy Napier cost $21.2 million; Colorado State let go of Jay Norvell for $1.5 million; and LSU’s decision to move on from Brian Kelly topped the list at a jaw-dropping $53 million. On Sunday, Auburn fired coach Hugh Freeze, who signed a six-year, $39 million deal before the 2023 season. He is now owed $15.8 million.  In the whimsical world of college football, a “buyout” is the sport’s version of a consolation prize for losing, except instead of a pat on the back, it is a multimillion-dollar check and a polite shove out the door. Technically, it refers to the liquidated damages owed when a coach is fired “without cause,” which is legalese for “the boosters have had enough.” Buyouts range from modest to mortgage-a-small-nation. UCLA’s DeShaun Foster walked away with a humble $6 million, which in football accounting is basically couch cushion money. Meanwhile, Texas A&M’s Jimbo Fisher was handed a $75 million farewell bouquet, the largest buyout in college football history and possibly the most expensive “thanks but no thanks” ever recorded outside of royal divorces. For mega-dollar contracts, buyouts often include a portion of the coach’s remaining compensation covering base salary and guaranteed supplemental income. In essence, it is a golden parachute for an impending crash landing. James Franklin’s Penn State buyout lands somewhere between $48 million and $50 million, a figure that reads less like a severance package and more like a small endowment. The payout includes his $500,000 annual base salary, $6.5 million in guaranteed extras, and a $1 million yearly life insurance benefit, all stretching through the end of the 2031 season when his contract was set to expire. That alone costs roughly $48 million. Add in the remainder owed for this season, and the total swells to $50 million.   These outrageous buyouts are not always as catastrophic as they initially appear. Buried deep in the fine print are clauses that can save universities millions, provided the ousted coach does not spend too long perfecting his putting.  Many contracts include “duty to mitigate” and “offset” provisions, which essentially require the coach to seek new employment in high-profile coaching or media. Once they land a new gig, the original school only owes the difference between the new salary and the buyout. It’s the contractual equivalent of saying, “We’ll pay you to leave, but not to loaf.” Penn State’s James Franklin and LSU’s Brian Kelly had these clauses baked into their deals. Texas A&M’s Jimbo Fisher and Florida’s Billy Napier, on the other hand, were handed buyouts with no such strings attached — none.  Athletic directors are the ones officially swinging the ax, but let’s not pretend they are the lone executioners. Firing a head coach is a group project, and everyone wants a turn with the red pen. University presidents, trustees, and donors all chime in, but it is the boosters, those with deep pockets and even deeper and exaggerated sense of importance, who often demand front-row seats at the decision-making table. Because when tens of millions are at stake, nothing says “fiscal responsibility” like a committee of emotionally charged alumni arguing over play-calling and buyout calculus.  After all, when millions are on the line, consensus becomes a team sport. Buyout money does not typically flow from the university’s academic coffers. Instead, schools tap into a blend of athletic department revenue and donor generosity. In cases where the payout is hefty and urgent, fundraising efforts may resemble a booster telethon.  At Penn State, when James Franklin was shown the door, Athletic Director Pat Kraft confirmed that the entire buyout would be covered by the athletics side of the university.  Congressman Michael Baumgartner has thrown a legislative flag on buyouts by introducing the Correcting Opportunity and Accountability in Collegiate Hiring Act (COACH).  Nothing says “fiscal restraint” like a named bill that is reverse-engineered to fit a sports term. It is legislative branding at its finest.   One can only assume the next proposal will be the BENCH Act (Bringing Equitable Negotiation to Coaching Hires), followed by the TIMEOUT Act (Targeted Intervention for Mismanaged Overspending Under Athletics Trustees).   Honestly, it is impressive. Congress managed to turn a multi-million-dollar severance problem into a branding exercise worthy of a bowl game.  This COACH’s Act is aimed at curbing the runaway costs of coaching buyouts. The measure would grant public universities a limited antitrust exemption, allowing them to cap coaching compensation.   This is not the first time salary limits have been tackled. A prior court ruling struck down caps on assistant coaching pay, declaring such restrictions illegal. Baumgartner’s bill, however, attempts a legal end-around, hoping to sidestep precedent and rein in the fiscal fireworks. The legislation would limit any athletics salary, including football coaches, to no more than 10 times a school’s tuition costs. In the high-stakes circus of big-time college sports, some schools shell out cash to win. Others fork it over for silence. And a select few spend millions to not let the door hinder one’s departure.  The fiscal fumble is still uncovered. Stay tuned.  READ MORE from Greg Maresca: Off the Radar: Christian Genocide in Africa Truth & Treason: A Tale of Moral Courage The ACC Adds Games, Loses Geography
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Defending Nigeria’s Christians from Islamist Genocide

If you haven’t read our colleague Ellie Gardey Holmes’s recent article describing the western media’s predictably lame and misleading response to the genocide of Christians in Nigeria, then stop reading right now, follow the link, and read her article before continuing. It’s that good, and it also covers the essential background for the question I mean to address here. (RELATED: Media Denies Christian Genocide in Response to Trump’s Threat of Military Action in Nigeria) As Ellie notes, President Trump’s recent re-designation of Nigeria as a “country of particular concern” with respect to religious persecution has ignited yet another round of special pleading from the usual media suspects. It’s not really a genocide, they argue, not really aimed at Christians. Instead, following the Biden State Department’s tendentious narrative, it’s a competition between herders and farmers for scarce agricultural land, a scarcity supposedly driven by — you guessed it — climate change. (RELATED: Off the Radar: Christian Genocide in Africa) But what has really exercised the media — and also the Nigerian government — is that Trump sounds angry enough to back up words with concrete action. He’s spoken of sanctions levied against various Nigerian government officials, but the real excitement followed his threat of military action to protect the Christian communities, warning on Truth Social that the U.S. might go into Nigeria with “guns-a-blazing” to protect the Christian population. (RELATED: What Is America’s Role in Africa?) Amidst the immediate pearl-clutching and complaints that Trump has gone off the rails once again, it’s easy to miss the immediate positive effect of Trump’s declaration. Suddenly, the plight of Nigeria’s Christian farmers moved from the margins to center stage. Suddenly, the Nigerian government felt called upon to defend its record with respect to protecting these communities, inadvertently exposing itself as having utterly failed by any meaningful metric. (RELATED: The Left Ignores Nigeria’s Suffering Christians While Proclaiming to Be Perfect Humanitarians) In the final analysis, the very facts of this failure validate the need for something more than pressure on the Nigerian government to deploy its own military to stop the marauding Islamist terrorists. Firstly, while once respected — and certainly well-funded — the Nigerian military no longer displays the foundational professionalism essential to waging effective warfare against well-armed terrorists. Secondly, the military, indeed the entire Nigerian government, is riven with corruption. Thirdly, and of the greatest importance, the Nigerian power structure, including the military, has become increasingly infected with the very Islamism that animates the Christian genocide. After all, so long as the genocide has been ignored internationally, those Nigerian leaders who would oppose it have felt isolated and neutered. There’s much to be said for exerting pressure on Nigeria, if only to encourage those elements in the government who sympathize with the Christians to step up to the problem. After all, so long as the genocide has been ignored internationally, those Nigerian leaders who would oppose it have felt isolated and neutered. For all the immediate pushback by Nigerian officialdom, for all the insistence that there’s “nothing to see here,” Trump’s words offer encouragement to those who have hitherto felt powerless. (RELATED: Nigeria: The Most Dangerous Place To Be a Christian) International attention matters. A decade ago, after the international media shone a spotlight on the 276 schoolgirls kidnapped by Boko Haram, the Nigerian government, astonishingly, brought in a cadre of former South African Army mercenaries to help bring the terrorists to heel. This only lasted a few short months — the embarrassment was too great, not only for the Nigerian government but also for the South African government, the United Kingdom, and the Obama administration, none of whom wanted to see success attributed to white mercenary veterans of the old Afrikaner regime. But while it lasted, it made a difference, as even an unlikely source like the liberals at The Guardian seemed willing to concede. Could something like this be replicated today? In one of my very first articles for American Spectator, I invoked the history of U.S. Special Forces as an example of what might be done. Although we’ve come to think of Special Forces in terms of direct action missions such as the elimination of Osama bin Laden, the original mission involved teaching indigenous forces to defend themselves — thus, the official SF motto “de opresso liber,” to “free the oppressed.” Following the insight offered by an SF veteran friend, I used the movie The Magnificent Seven to illustrate this concept in action. I’ve returned to this theme in subsequent articles for the simplest of reasons, namely that no amount of pious sentiment can make a difference in the face of brutal violence. Sadly, there are times when the only meaningful response to violence is countervailing violence, and that at a level sufficient to bring the cycle of violence to an end. It’s clear that President Trump understands this — if his initial threat is a diplomatic ploy meant to put pressure on Nigerian leaders, then the world has learned not to doubt his willingness to use force, be it against Iranian nuclear sites or Venezuelan drug cartels. Moreover, the Trump administration’s energy policies have changed the framework for dealing with Nigeria. Back in 2015, when Boko Haram could no longer be ignored, the fact that Nigeria was a leading oil-producing country gave it immense leverage, not least against a U.S. government seemingly hell-bent on surrendering its position as a leading oil and gas producer. The promise of unleashed U.S. energy production has already proven central to reshaping Middle East diplomacy, and it can have the same impact in dealing with Nigeria. So if it comes to the use of force, how might this be applied? While President Trump declined to rule out sending American troops to protect the Christians, this seems an obvious non-starter. “Boots on the ground” represents the highest threshold, and one that, quite rightly, the president has been reluctant to cross. And even if the president were willing, it could only happen at the invitation of the Nigerian government, which may still be a bridge too far. In my recent novel, The Zebras from Minsk, a subplot describes an effort similar to 2014’s use of mercenaries against Boko Haram, the employment of teams to arm and train Christian communities to defend themselves. But even in fiction, such an effort assumes at least a tacit tolerance on the part of the Nigerian government. Again, given the extent to which Islamist influence has expanded in the last decade, one has little reason for hope. But in one scene from the novel, a nearby firefighting aircraft, a “waterbomber’ in the vernacular, intervenes to save a Christian village by dumping five tons of water on a marauding band of motorcycle-mounted Fulani Muslim terrorists. Herein lies a potential model, “death from above,” not from a single aircraft, but in the form of a concatenated wave of drone strikes, an option already hinted at in the first discussions following Trump’s announcement. Significantly, while the Nigerian government has resisted the president’s characterization of the crisis as an anti-Christian genocide and while it further insists on respect for its sovereignty, Nigerian representatives have not ruled out working with the U.S. in dealing with the terrorists. Perhaps Nigerian amour-propre could be salved in this manner, enabling U.S. action while preserving the appearance of a joint response. And thoughtful Nigerians — there are still many such — must blanche at the thought of the Muslim caliphate that the Islamists are trying to carve out within their nation. The overriding conclusion, however, must be that this is a situation that can no longer be tolerated, that the ethnic cleansing being perpetrated against Christians, so eloquently described in Ellie’s article, must be confronted — and it must be confronted in terms unmistakable to the Islamist terrorists. No more hand-wringing, no more hiding behind the fashionable dismissal of Christianity as unworthy of defense, in Nigeria and in all the other places where Christians are now under attack. I’ve often invoked the phrase attributed to George Orwell, that “people sleep peacefully in their beds at night only because rough men stand ready to do violence on their behalf.” The Christians in Nigeria deserve to sleep peacefully once again. One way or another, the time for rough men has come on behalf of suffering Christianity. READ MORE from James H. McGee: Simple Decency Is on the Ballot in Virginia Remembering the True Victims of Injustice: Iryna, Logan, the Oltons Catholic Cognitive DissonanceCatholic Cognitive DissonanceCatholic Cognitive DissonanceCatholic Cognitive DissonanceCatholic Cognitive DissonanceCatholic Cognitive Dissonance James H. McGee retired in 2018 after nearly four decades as a national security and counter-terrorism professional, working primarily in the nuclear security field. Since retiring, he’s begun a second career as a thriller writer. He’s just published his new novel, The Zebras from Minsk, the sequel to his well-received 2022 thriller, Letter of Reprisal. The Zebras from Minsk find the Reprisal Team fighting against an alliance of Chinese and Russian-backed terrorists, brutal child traffickers, and a corrupt anti-American billionaire, racing against time to take down a conspiracy that ranges from the hills of West Virginia to the forests of Belarus. You can find The Zebras from Minsk (and Letter of Reprisal) on Amazon in Kindle and paperback editions.
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Kazakhstan Joins the Abraham Accords. Will Others in Central Asia Follow?

President Trump announced that Kazakhstan is joining the Abraham Accords, following his phone calls with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Kazakhstan President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. While Iran and Hamas tried to derail the Accords by coordinating an attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, signatories UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco have not backtracked from their agreements since, and other Muslim-majority countries are poised to normalize relations with Israel. Will other Central Asian countries follow Kazakhstan and join the Accords? By leveraging existing favorable relations with Israel, Central Asian countries like Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Azerbaijan could strengthen relations in trade and military cooperation. Several officials in the Trump administration believe that bringing in Central Asian countries into the Abraham Accords may result in easy but strategic wins: by leveraging existing favorable relations with Israel, Central Asian countries like Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Azerbaijan could strengthen relations in trade and military cooperation. Additionally, expanding the Abraham Accords into Central Asia would further reduce Russia’s influence in its “Near Abroad,” as well as undermine Iran’s influence in the region. One way to do this is by like-minded countries working together to control the flow of oil and gas. (RELATED: The Kremlin Is Worried NATO Will Go After Putin’s Soft Underbelly) Capitalizing on wins in the Abraham Accords with Kazakhstan and hopefully others could further future infrastructure like the Trans-Caspian Gas Pipeline and the Trans-Caspian Oil Transport System. These conduits would ship natural gas and oil from Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, through Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey, benefitting these countries, plus Israel and the West, and undermine (and completely bypass) Russia and Iran. Bringing Kazakhstan into the Abraham Accords will allow the U.S. to further leverage its “tens of billions” of dollars of investment, predominantly in oil and gas, in Kazakhstan. With the expansion of the Abraham Accords into Central Asia, Israel would also further secure oil imports from Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan. (RELATED: Trump Brokers 11th Peace Deal. More to Come?) A Central Asian cohort in the Abraham Accords would further keep Iran in check militarily, as the Islamic Republic shares borders with both Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan. Greater defense and intelligence cooperation between these countries and Israel and the United States in Iran’s neighborhood could cause Iran to think twice before it again decides to terrorize the region either directly or through its subcontractors, Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Houthis. Israel and Kazakhstan, a 70 percent Muslim-majority nation, have a long history of friendly relations, and adding the country to the Abraham Accords will likely increase cooperation. The two countries established relations in 1992, with Israel opening its embassy in Almaty in 1992 and moving it to Astana in 2008, and Kazakhstan opening its embassy in Tel Aviv in 1996. The two countries have hosted a significant number of diplomatic visits with each other. Israeli president Shimon Peres visited Kazakhstan several times, including in 2006 and 2009; Kazakh prime minister Sergey Terechshenko visited Israel in 1992. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu visited the country in 2016, where he attended a business forum with the Kazakh prime minister and signed agreements on direct flights and visa-free travel between the countries. Kazakh defense officials visited Israel in 2014, 2016, and 2017.  In 2020, the two countries signed a Memorandum of Cooperation in cybersecurity. Moving forward, President Trump should try to get Uzbekistan to join the Abraham Accords. Uzbekistan, a 90 percent Muslim majority country, also has friendly relations with Israel. The two countries have had diplomatic relations since 1992. In 1992, Israel opened its embassy in Tashkent, while in 1997, Uzbekistan opened its embassy in Tel Aviv. In 2018, the two countries established visa-free travel between them. In 2022, the Israeli embassy in Tashkent inaugurated a monument in the city commemorating Uzbekistan taking in 1.5 million refugees during World War II, which included several hundred thousand Jews who fled the Holocaust. This October, Uzbekistan sentenced a cleric to 2.5 years in prison for supporting a fatwa against Israel promoted by the Qatar-based International Union of Muslim Scholars. And President Trump should also bring Azerbaijan, a 93 percent Muslim-majority nation, into the Abraham Accords. President Trump can leverage his current Armenia-Azerbaijan deal to do so. Israel also has friendly relations with Azerbaijan, which I detail here. Trump’s announcement of Kazakhstan joining the Abraham Accords will help secure U.S. and Israeli interests in the Middle East. Hopefully, this development will be the key to unlocking Central Asia’s ascent to the Abraham Accords. READ MORE from Steve Postal: Peace a Pipedream As Palestinians Continue to Embrace Hamas Israel Finds Peace Through Strength as Lebanon Neglects Trump-Brokered Deal DOJ Cracking Down on CCP Espionage
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The Spectator P.M. Ep. 167: Are Women to Blame for Mamdani’s Win?

Exit polls from this week’s midterm elections in Virginia, New York City, and New Jersey revealed that young women helped propel the Democrats’ success. NBC News reported that 81 percent of women ages 18–29 voted for Abigail Spanberger, and 84 percent voted for Zohran Mamdani. (READ MORE: Mamdani Is NOT a New Phenomenon: He’s the Center of the Democrat Party) In this episode of The Spectator P.M. Podcast, hosts Ellie Gardey Holmes and Lyrah Margo discuss the poll results and why young women tend to vote liberal. They also discuss feminism within the conservative movement in light of the recent controversy over Nick Fuentes, who has been vocal about his disdain for women. (RELATED: What Nick Fuentes Gets Wrong About Women)  Tune in to hear their discussion! Read Ellie and Lyrah’s writing here and here. Listen to the Spectator P.M. Podcast on Spotify. Watch the Spectator P.M. Podcast on Rumble.
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The White House East Wing Renovations: Exorcizing the Daemons of Modernism
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The White House East Wing Renovations: Exorcizing the Daemons of Modernism

In the elder days of Art, Builders wrought with greatest care Each minute and unseen part; For the Gods see everywhere. Let us do our work as well,  Both the unseen and the seen Make the house, where Gods may dwell, Beautiful, entire, and clean.  — Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, The Builders It is no small thing to achieve architectural perfection, but it can be done, even in these fallen days, provided the designer commands a mastery of the timeless principles of mass, space, line, and coherence, and manages to balance aesthetic and functional considerations. Sometimes it all comes together, as was the case with Steven Spandle’s classically-inspired White House Tennis Pavilion, which this year has won both a John Russell Pope Award and a Palladio Award for outstanding achievements in the field of traditional design. Such accolades are richly deserved. The graceful Doric columns, limestone cladding, and fanlight windows of the pavilion perfectly complement similar design elements present in the White House itself, while interior design touches like the the lovely groin-vaulted entry hall, the French-polished mahogany doors, the walk-out mahogany windows (subtly referencing Monticello’s Garden Pavilion), the Indiana Limestone detailing, the Georgia Grey Granite water table, the Georgia Pearl Grey marble stonework, and the symbolism-laden ornamental plasterwork all the combine in a manner altogether worthy of Jefferson, or the great Palladio himself. Yet Spandle’s pavilion is no mere folly. The building is entirely fit for its purpose, featuring a comfortable sitting room, a kitchenette, a tennis-racket room, and a full bathroom, any of which would alone constitute a vast improvement over the old storage outbuilding that once occupied the site, a tumbledown shack so shabby it was nicknamed the “Pony Shed” by the White House ground-staff. Here we are pleased to find — adapting that old saying about thespians — that there are no small commissions, just small architects. Steven Spandle was given a seemingly trivial commission, in the grand scheme of things, and produced an architectural pearl, one which seamlessly connects the past and the present, and demonstrates how classical architecture still has an important place in a world increasingly dominated by polyvinyl chloride, custom-extruded thermoplastics, aluminum composite material, fiber cement cladding, and exceedingly poor design choices. White House Tennis Pavilion (White House/Wikimedia Commons) The architectural historian and critic Henry Hope Reed, in his masterful treatise The Golden City: An Argument for Classical Architecture (1959), lamented how the “daemonic forces of abstract nihilism” began to deface American cityscapes in the post-war era. “The chariot of fashion,” observed Reed, “has long since abandoned the classical path of taste and now it brings destruction on every side.” We may have deviated even further from the classical path of taste since Reed’s time, but the ancient trackway remains for all to see, in cities, in monographs, and in our collective imagination. All we have to do is take the reins of the “chariot of taste” and head in the right direction, something which is admittedly easier said than done, given the degenerate state of academia and the commercial and civic architecture industry. In theory, it should be easy to make the case for traditionalism and classicism in architecture, just as it is easy to make a case for harmonic music, with its pleasing combinations of pitches, over atonality or dissonance. As Sir Roger Scruton argued in his essay on the great Luxembourgish traditionalist architect Léon Krier, “Cities for Living,” “[t]here are no chords in modernist architecture, only lines — lines that may come to an end but that achieve no closure.” Due to the institutional capture achieved by modernists and their ilk, however, the daemons of abstract nihilism remain obstinate in their malice. Works like Spandle’s pavilion, however modest in scale, show how those pernicious spirits might finally be exorcized. (RELATED: Bauhaus and the Cult of Ugliness) There is something genuinely daemonic about, to take one prominent example, the brutalist monstrosity that is the Barack Obama Presidential Center… We use the term “daemons” here advisedly. There is something genuinely daemonic about, to take one prominent example, the brutalist monstrosity that is the Barack Obama Presidential Center, designed (and completely botched) by Tod Williams and Billie Tsien Architects. The future Obama presidential library has slowly grown like an excrescence on the edge of Chicago’s otherwise lovely Jackson Park, as the project hemorrhages money (an original estimate of $300 million has now reached $850 million, not including hundreds of millions more for the necessary roads and utilities) and sucks the life out of the nearby environment. Situated in a lush green space designed by Frederick Law Olmsted and Calvert Vaux, the “Obamalisk” squats disgustingly, in a fashion wholly out of character with its surroundings, looking rather like the crumbling remnants of a not-very-successful alien civilization, perhaps something out of a low-budget Dune adaptation. A literal child could have done better, and indeed they do, every day in kindergartens all over the world, with Crayola markers and Stickle Bricks. Barack Obama Presidential Center, April 2025 (Torsodog/CC0 1.0/Wikimedia Commons) It is (almost) possible to integrate a modernist building with its local environment. Take Enric Miralles’s Scottish Parliament Building, which is butt-ugly in the main, as you would expect, but nevertheless references the adjacent Holyrood Park, using Scottish gneiss and granite, and Scottish oak and sycamore, to avoid looking like the sort of brutalist Harkonnen torture chamber currently being thrown up on the South Side of Chicago. There are two positives one might come up with regarding the infamous Obamalisk: its cost overruns and hideous aspect represent their own sort of self-flagellation; and like all structures primarily made out of concrete, it figures to have a relatively short shelf life. Once again am I reminded of the Mitchell & Webb “Are We the Baddies?” sketch, in which two beleaguered Nazi soldiers ponder whether they might in fact be the villains of the ongoing conflict. “Have you noticed that our caps actually have little pictures of skulls on them? … Their [the Allies] symbols are all quite nice! Stars, stripes, lions, sickles… You gotta say, it’s better than a skull. I mean, I really can’t think of anything worse, as a symbol, than a skull!” One can imagine a modernist or post-modernist architect contemplating why it is that their traditionalist counterparts have the Classical orders, or Gothic rib vaults, or the sustainable, natural, recyclable building materials of vernacular architectural styles, while they have hideous failures and blunders like the Obamalisk, the Buffalo City Court Building, Boston City Hall, Pruitt-Igoe, and Grenfell Tower, among so many others. That modernist architects never actually experience this moment of self-awareness would indicate that modernism, like other symptoms of leftism generally, may indeed be a biological phenomenon, the result of a smaller-than-normal or underdeveloped amygdala, and the attendant inability to experience a healthy disgust response. How else can we explain the decision on the part of the Obama Foundation, in conjunction with its hired architectural firm, to commission the Obamalisk on purpose? This is not a science fiction film, or a J.G. Ballard novel, but here we are, in real life, with the skyline of a great American city defaced by yet another brutalist monstrosity when we all know better by now, or should. Hence, my lack of concern over the renovation of the East Wing of the White House, and the drummed-up controversy it has engendered in the “popular” press. James C. McCrery II, the architect in charge of the upgrades, has a fine track record of designing traditionalist buildings that can be constructed on time, on budget, and to the satisfaction of his patrons. McRery has, during his career, done something vanishingly few fashionably modernist architects have ever accomplished in their lives, namely to design buildings of genuine aesthetic appeal, which people might actually want to look at or be in. These include the Renaissance Revival Cathedral of the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus in Knoxville, Tennessee, tastefully clad in Indiana limestone and Roman-style bricks sourced from Ohio; the Renaissance-inspired St. Mary Help of Christians Catholic Church in Aiken, South Carolina, which won a John Russell Pope Award for its marvelous design (the pediment mosaic is a particular inspired touch); and the Gothic monastery currently being erected for the Carmelites of Wyoming near Meeteetse, with its limestone facades, delicate tracery, and soaring spires made possible (and affordable) by the use of innovative CNC fabrication on the part of the monks themselves. James McRery is viewed as a traitor by many in the architectural community, having studied under Peter Eisenman and Jeff Kipnis at The Ohio State University in the 1980s before becoming disillusioned with the spiritual desolation of deconstructivism. Modernism, McRery decided, was “counter to God’s creation, in every aspect and in every detail,” a position which is absolutely correct, but bound to rile so many of his contemporaries. Some of his former professors have even proven willing to attack him in the press, with Robert Livesey opining that “his work does not have the presence of real classical architecture, or even of people who were also after the classical, like Palladio, or later Hawksmoor,” and Peter Eisenman criticizing the East Wing project on the grounds that “putting a portico at the end of a long facade and not in the center is what one might say is untutored.” This is all a bit snide, and there are legitimate reasons that McRery has placed the portico where he has. The White House complex is a complex composition, and visitors will not be approaching the East Wing from a formal center line, but often from the northeast corner. Textbook symmetry may be lost, and a departure from strict axiality has indeed been made, but it is at times necessary to make concessions to topography and directions of approach. More importantly, by making the shift, McRery has ensured that another central portico does not compete with the primacy of the Executive Residence. This keeps the overall hierarchy clear and allows the East Wing portico to represent a gesture of invitation rather than of dominance, as would have been the case with a central porch. All of which is hardly “untutored,” one must admit. We should not expect too much from Eisenman, an architect who readily admits to feeling “the need for incongruity, disharmony, etc.” in his work, and who regularly designs homes in which, as Amy Frearson noted in the magazine Dezeen, actual quality of life was “not the architect’s main concern.” Lest we forget, it was Eisenman who was roundly, even humiliatingly, trounced by the traditionalist design theorist Christopher Alexander in a famous November 17, 1982, debate at Harvard University’s Graduate School of Design. It is normally a point of pride that the student has surpassed the master, but Eisenman’s poisonous dogma evidently leaves no room for that sort of grace. In any event, the White House has long needed a suitable site for state receptions, one that can hold its own with the State Rooms at Buckingham Palace, the Salle des Fêtes at the Élysée Palace, the Palazzo del Quirinale, the reception halls of the Grand Kremlin, and other equivalent ceremonial locations, and soon it will have one. Blinkered modernist ideologues will inveigh against McCrery’s lavish ornamented interior, secure in the knowledge that had they only gotten a hold of the commission, they might have produced something so much more provocative, and so much uglier, no doubt in béton brut, and with massive cost overruns a dead certainty. They view the prospect of a future dominated by the Spandles and McRerys of the world with horror, while Posterity, I am confident, will judge the traditionalists far more kindly than the architects of incongruity, disharmony, discomfort, and civilizational self-hatred. “The new city,” wrote Sir Roger Scruton, “is a city in which glazed facades mirror each other’s emptiness across streets that die in their shadow. The facelessness of such a city is also a kind of godlessness,” and when “the modern city enshrines the temporariness of facelessness as a permanently utilitarian way of life, then something has gone dreadfully wrong.” Something has indeed gone dreadfully wrong, but Scruton was, if anything, too generous in this case. Modernist eyesores like the Obamalisk are not failures because they are merely utilitarian. Architects like Eisenman cannot even be bothered to create Machines for Living. Amy Frearson, in her profile of Eisenman, had to admit that “[w]ith their superfluous geometries, Eisenman’s buildings are not without their problems. Reports of leaking roofs, inappropriate materials, and insufficient shading systems have plagued his career.” One might say that his very career was a plague on those of us with normal disgust responses, or basic demands for livability and functionality. That architects like Peter Eisenman, Tod Williams, and Billie Tsien have been encouraged to design buildings that are not only substandard from a practical perspective, but are aggressively and, what is more, intentionally repugnant, speaks to a deep spiritual rot that has set in among supposed bien-pensants. All of which is to say that the arrival of traditionalists like Steven Spandle and James McRery on the public scene is very, very welcome. Modernism has eaten away at our built environment for far too long. In the depths of the Wyoming wilderness, in cities like Knoxville and Aiken, and in our nation’s capital, we are finally seeing a broader counter-offensive against the “daemonic forces of abstract nihilism” that have beset us for more than a century now, ever since misguided modernists like Adolf Loos convinced their fellow architects that ornament was a crime and beauty was surplus to requirements. I can think of no better remedy for the injuries inflicted by those malign spirits than the construction of a pretty Italianate church, a delicate little folly of a tennis pavilion, or a grand state ballroom, works that confirm the vitality of the ageless principles of classical architecture, however much that may provoke those possessed of an irrational, almost diabolical hatred of Beauty itself. We will need a great many more of such works, however, if we are ever to realize the Golden City that Henry Hope Reed prophesied would rise from the ashes of modernist folly. But if a start is to be made at all, it must be made somewhere, and the works of Spandle and McRery seem to me to be as promising a first step as could ever be expected. READ MORE from Matthew Omolesky: Some Dare Call It Treason G is for Gorey Scatterbrains, Screens, and Our Moral Collapse
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Intel Uncensored
Intel Uncensored
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Bill Gates Insider Exposes Chemtrails Program That Destroys Brain’s Ability To Think Critically
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Bill Gates Insider Exposes Chemtrails Program That Destroys Brain’s Ability To Think Critically

from The People’s Voice: TRUTH LIVES on at https://sgtreport.tv/
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