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Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
12 m

[UPDATE: IT’S OFFICIALLY A RIOT] – BREAKING VIDEO – Anti-ICE protesters swarm a hotel where they believe agents are staying in Minnesota
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[UPDATE: IT’S OFFICIALLY A RIOT] – BREAKING VIDEO – Anti-ICE protesters swarm a hotel where they believe agents are staying in Minnesota

Anti-ICE protesters have swarmed a hotel where they believe ICE agents are staying in Minneapolis, Minnesota. It doesn’t look like they have broken anything yet, but they are absolutely disturbing the peace . . .
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Intel Uncensored
Intel Uncensored
14 m News & Oppinion

rumbleBitchute
Opposition leader supports investigation of Grok's AI images of Albanese in a bikini
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Classic Rock Lovers
Classic Rock Lovers  
14 m

Who was the first living musician to feature on a stamp?
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faroutmagazine.co.uk

Who was the first living musician to feature on a stamp?

A regal seal of approval. The post Who was the first living musician to feature on a stamp? first appeared on Far Out Magazine.
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Classic Rock Lovers
Classic Rock Lovers  
14 m

The one person who got Brian May back into music: “He became the greatest friend”
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faroutmagazine.co.uk

The one person who got Brian May back into music: “He became the greatest friend”

Returning to the stage again. The post The one person who got Brian May back into music: “He became the greatest friend” first appeared on Far Out Magazine.
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Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
15 m

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spectator.org

Exit the Hollywood Women, Part 2 — Kathleen Kennedy

I was never much of a Star Wars fan. I was a devoted Star Trekker — original show and films only, not the painful, sexless, politically correct series that followed, beginning with Star Trek: The Next Generation, and continuing, judging by the ghastly trailer for Starfleet Academy. The fact that it looks like a DEI fantasy recruitment video without a single white male character (other than an old Star Trek Voyager fossil), or any male in command, means Paramount (Skydance) hasn’t gotten the Star Wars message. Girlbosses are out. Including the girlboss who wrecked the franchise with precisely such feminist and diverse dreck. This week, Kathleen Kennedy got expelled as president of Lucasfilm, according to the Puck newsletter. Kennedy leaves Lucasfilm burning like Luke Skywalker’s uncle’s homestead in Star Wars, whatever they called or numbered it later. As I stated, I wasn’t a big fan, but I recognized that scene on first viewing for what it was — an homage to John Ford’s Western masterpiece, The Searchers. I also appreciated the movie’s obvious tribute to the 1930s serials that George Lucas and I grew up watching on television, preeminently Flash Gordon and Buck Rogers. And I realized their reincarnation via Star Wars provided welcome popular escapism from the morally ambiguous, depressive 1970s cinema (Badlands, Taxi Driver, The Conversation, Alice Doesn’t Live Here Anymore, Dog Day Afternoon), great though some of the films were. (RELATED: Exit, the Hollywood Women) I was right. Before the end of the decade, masculine fantasy heroes took over the big screen, predominantly Superman and, much to my delight, Star Trek: The Motion Picture. Not to mention Lucas’s old friends and mine, Flash Gordon (“He saved every one of us!” sang Queen) and Buck Rogers (I was sorry to read about the death of the likable lead actor, Gil Gerard, last month). The trend continued over the awesome next decade, with Conan the Barbarian, Blade Runner, The Road Warrior, The Terminator, The Thing, Back to the Future, a better-than-expected Star Wars sequel, The Empire Strikes Back, and happily more Admiral Kirk, Mr. Spock, and Dr. McCoy in additional Star Trek films. In 1981, Lucas went back to the serial hero well — this time with his fellow movie buff auteur Steven Spielberg — to produce the ultimate manly icon, Indiana Jones, in Raiders of the Lost Ark. There was no question about the source material for the two-fisted archaeologist adventurer slugging, chasing, and romancing his way against Nazis in three fun films. And boys and girls loved all of them. Not just a woman with no appreciation of The Searchers, Flash Gordon, Buck Rogers, and other boy-friendly fare that inspired them, but a radical feminist with hostility to boys and normal feminine girls. Then, after writing and directing three bad Star Wars prequels at the turn of the century, Lucas put the torch to both his franchises. He gave them to Kathleen Kennedy. Not just a woman with no appreciation of The Searchers, Flash Gordon, Buck Rogers, and other boy-friendly fare that inspired them, but a radical feminist with hostility to boys and normal feminine girls. Which logically meant she had total disdain for the franchises themselves as Lucas conceived them. But he was too much in the Hollywood liberal bubble to see the danger. (RELATED: The Wreck of Feminist Hollywood) “It’s time to pass Star Wars to a new generation,” Lucas said at the handover. “Kathleen is a great choice to lead the company into the future.” He believed this because Kennedy had been an efficient enough producer on his films from Raiders on, when she couldn’t push any crazy feminist agenda. The moment she could, she would, to quote John Wayne in The Searchers, “Just as sure as the turning of the Earth.” And she did. In the same way, the Star Trek: The Next Generation bozos (Rick Berman and Brannon Braga) couldn’t wait to kill off Captain Kirk — embarrassingly too — on their first feature film (Star Trek Generations), because he was too manly and dynamic for their PC concept of Star Trek, Kennedy went to work on emasculating Star Wars. “We’ve created some really strong females with characters like Rey in The Force Awakens,” she said of film one. “Having strong, empowered females in these stories, and really allowing them to become heroes.” Of course, Kennedy dismissed the fact that the original trilogy already had a strong, empowered heroine. Because Princess Leia’s strength was in her courage, patriotism, and heart, not her prowess with a lightsaber. But more unacceptable to Kennedy and her ilk, Leia was also sexy enough to entice her two male champions, Luke Skywalker and Han Solo, into nobler heights by competing with each other over her. “She’s beautiful,” Luke says on seeing a holograph of Leia. Again, this romantic aspect appealed to young people of both sexes — boys who want to rescue pretty damsels, and girls who, sorry, Hollywoke, dream of being rescued. Kennedy’s Star Wars trilogy would have been an artistic failure and financial disappointment (the last film made less than half what the first did) just on the demerits of the bland androgynous quasi-male heroine. Jedi Knightess Rey appealed to nobody except feminist fantasists. But Kennedy couldn’t leave it at that. She had to utterly destroy her mentor’s beloved masculine heroes. You thought Han Solo lived happily ever after post-victory over the Empire? Nah. He turned into a bitter wretch, divorced from Leia, who lets himself be murdered by their Dark-Sided son. What about the central protagonist, Luke Skywalker? Is he now a Jedi Master teaching the new breed the ways and wisdom of the Force? Of course not. He’s a guilt-ridden recluse disgusted by the Force and the galaxy far, far away. Where Kathleen Kennedy may soon be joining him. READ MORE from Lou Aguilar: Exit, the Hollywood Women Heroes and Zeroes of 2025 Bardot and Other Screen Legends We Lost in 2025
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15 m

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Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s Utopian Future?

Utopia awaits in New York City. Karl Marx has been reincarnated, in spirit if not life, as newly inaugurated Mayor Zohran Mamdani plans to use City Hall’s “power to improve New Yorkers’ lives,” especially those who have been “betrayed by the established order.” He promised that “their needs will be met. Their hopes and dreams and interests will be reflected transparently in government. They will shape our future.” Not through the complex mix of compassion, conciliation, creativity, cooperation, and conviction that has distinguished America throughout its history. Instead, through the greatest “c” word, at least to a socialist: collectivism. Explained Mamdani: if “for too long” New York’s many “communities have existed as distinct from one another, we will draw this city closer together. We will replace the frigidity of rugged individualism with the warmth of collectivism. If our campaign demonstrated that the people of New York yearn for solidarity, then let this government foster it.” The world has been waiting for this moment for at least the last 36 years. On Jan. 12, 1990, Germany began to officially destroy the greatest symbol of coerced community in the Western World, the Berlin Wall. Evidently misled by the errors of neo-liberal philosophy of “rugged individualism,” highlighted by cowboy capitalism, individual liberty, personal freedom, and constitutional rule, residents of the so-called German Democratic Republic abandoned “the warmth of collectivism” ensured by imprisoning the population of 16 million behind high walls bounded by death strips guarded by armed personnel ordered to shoot-to-kill. Karl Marx would have been shocked and saddened by the GDR’s demise. (RELATED: The ‘Warmth of Collectivism’ Comes to New York) [Marx] excited those seeking human utopia but failed to provide a pathway to power necessary to establish “the warmth of collectivism” in a world in which most people, unlike Marx, had to work for a living. Marx published The Communist Manifesto in 1848. He was a classic limousine liberal who, pointed out historian Paul Johnson, “never set foot in a mill, factory or other industrial workplace in the whole of his life.” Indeed, Marx was not just a dishonest intellectual but a disreputable person, whose atrocious misbehavior Johnson details in his devastating Intellectuals: From Marx and Tolstoy to Sartre and Chomsky. Even by his own measure, Marx fell short. He excited those seeking human utopia but failed to provide a pathway to power necessary to establish “the warmth of collectivism” in a world in which most people, unlike Marx, had to work for a living. Were it not for Gavrilo Princip, the Serbian terrorist who lit the fuse to World War I by assassinating the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, communism might have died out as ancient monarchies developed, moderated, and transformed. Instead, as a war measure, communism succeeded beyond any expectation or imagination. Wilhelmine Germany enabled Bolshevik troublemaker Vladimir Ilyich Lenin to make his way back to Russia after the Tsar’s fall. The rest, as they say, is history. Once seemingly destined to remain an idle, chess-playing political babbler in comfortable exile in Switzerland, Lenin unexpectedly became the essential man, whose boundless will, utter ruthlessness, and perverse perspicacity yielded the Soviet Union. Lenin’s commitment to “the warmth of collectivism” was boundless, bathed in the blood and guts of the millions who died during the Russian Civil War and even more who were murdered during his brief and Joseph Stalin’s much longer reigns. Nevertheless, Lenin is still beloved by the Left. They praise him, raise statues to him, and publish multi-author paeans to him. Indeed, in the latter 104 authors were so enthralled by his fantasy of coercive community that not one thought to mention even the most minor of his crimes. Alas, people ruled by Lenin and his successors, especially in states where the Soviet Union imposed “the warmth of socialism,” lacked sufficient character to suffer through necessary oppression and poverty as they marched toward history’s grand proletarian conclusion. Hence, the need to fence residents into various socialist paradises. All of the latter forbade travel outside fraternally communal states. Most effective was the GDR, which, after its creation, suffered a devastating population loss through the divided city of Berlin. Tragically, the development of the GDR as the Garden of Eden was delayed because its beneficiaries were leaving. An estimated 3.5 million East Germans fled between 1949 and 1961, when around 1,000 were leaving every day — all unaware of the warm collectivist benefits to come. Most likely to go were younger workers. Moscow’s ambassador, Mikhail Pervukhin complained that “the presence in Berlin of an open and essentially uncontrolled border between the socialist and capitalist worlds unwittingly prompts the population to make a comparison between both parts of the city, which unfortunately does not always turn out in favor of Democratic [East] Berlin.” Those sneaky “rugged individualists” just wouldn’t play fair! Thus, late on Aug. 12, 1961, the East German state began to construct a barrier, which became steadily more formidable and deadlier over time. Even so, the Wall did not end escape attempts. To start, members of the GDR’s coerced community jumped from adjoining buildings, climbed over barricades, tunneled under the barriers, and flew over obstructions. As the Wall metastasized, people deployed cables and ziplines, used balloons, submarines, and microlights, crashed through barriers, added secret compartments to vehicles, and even impersonated diplomats. Over the next 28 years, some 100,000 East Germans sought to escape. An estimated 5,000 made it. More than 1,000 of those who didn’t died trying. Many of the rest were imprisoned for Republikflucht, a serious crime in the eyes of those generously determined to share “the warmth of collectivism.” The first death, of someone who jumped from her apartment building, occurred 10 days after the Wall was first erected. The first murder, of 24-year-old tailor Guenter Litfin, shot while swimming across the River Spree, occurred a couple of days later. The deaths continued, day in and out, often in full view of the world. Guards wounded Peter Fechter, an 18-year-old bricklayer, as he climbed the wall, and left him to bleed out to the horror of viewers in both East and West Berlin. The last murder, of 20-year-old restaurant worker Chris Gueffroy, occurred on February 6, 1989. A month later, the last East German died in an escape attempt, 32-year-old electrical engineer Winfried Freudenberg, whose home-made balloon crashed. While most squishy Westerners were appalled by the killing, those heroically dedicated to spreading “the warmth of collectivism” understood the need for discipline. For instance, Angela Davis, who remains a paragon of radical chic, visited the great and glorious GDR during its heyday. In the company of East German party boss Erich Honecker, she visited the monument for a border guard shot by an escapee, lauding the “loyal soldier, who sacrificed his life for his socialist country.” She pledged to tell Americans on her return home “about the true function of this border” — in today’s lingo, to share “the warmth of collectivism.” Alas, even more than Americans, East Germans never came to understand “the true function” of the Wall. Or, actually, they came to understand it too well. As demonstrations against the regime exploded, Honecker sought Soviet support and proposed to shoot. However, Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev put human life and liberty before “the warmth of collectivism” and refused to intervene. Worse, Honecker’s cowardly subordinates retired him. In early November 1989, a million people marched for freedom in East Berlin. A few days later, the Wall fell. And its “warmth of collectivism” was forever lost, with its demolition beginning 36 years ago next week. Of course, Mamdani does not propose turning New York City into a death state, its residents penned in by walls and guards. However, “the warmth of collectivism” is difficult to maintain even in its smallest and most intense form, the family. Beyond that, only the most limited and transitory communes survive any length of time. The idea that politicians imposing taxes and regulations, employing bureaucracies and police, and concocting plans and programs, can create something approaching “warmth,” let alone anything reflecting genuine compassion, meaningful consistency, and normal competence, is fantasy. (RELATED: From Solidarity to Statism: Mayor Mamdani’s Vision for New York City) Mamdani still could do some good, even if he governs on the left. Government should do its essential tasks well. Much of the regulatory state does more to oppress than uplift workers, entrepreneurs, independents, and most anyone else who believes that responsibility for their life, and that of their family, lies outside state institutions. He pledged to “deliver an agenda of safety, affordability, and abundance.” If the city does better at protecting safety and allowing private operators to promote affordability, abundance is more likely to occur naturally — without the impediments that inevitably accompany collectivism, especially of the coercive variety. (RELATED: Mamdani’s Rent Control Plans Will Make the Rental Market Worse for Working People) Unfortunately, it took Soviet communists seven decades to learn the truth about “the warmth of collectivism.” Along the way, working people suffered the most, with Communist apparatchiks the original “one percent.” Alas, Mamdani apparently sees no limits to the collectivist faith that he promotes. Among his promises is to “overcome the isolation that too many feel, and connect the people of this city to one another.” Can a program to promote universal happiness be far behind? Political utopias have a poor record. Mamdani’s vision of a warm, collectivist New York City is unlikely to perform any better than the many failed nirvanas and idylls sketched by past philosophers. Those who best understand collectivism’s realities are those who suffered through “the warmth of collectivism” at its most intense. Former German Chancellor Angela Merkel grew up in the GDR. In her maiden speech as leader of a reunited nation, she explained that “The biggest surprise of my life was freedom.” She “expected The Wall” and discovered that “once you’ve had such a wonderful surprise in your life, then you think anything is possible.” In a call to the German people that should reverberate across geography and time, she declared: “Let us dare to have more freedom.” Yes, let us do so. Today. In America, and even New York City. READ MORE from Doug Bandow: Confederates on Trial in Virginia’s Shenandoah Valley Hong Kong, Once Free, Now Suppresses Any Dissent Hindu Nationalists Trash JD Vance for Wanting His Wife to Share His Christian Faith Doug Bandow is a senior fellow at the Cato Institute and a former special assistant to President Ronald Reagan. He is the author of Foreign Follies: America’s New Global Empire.
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15 m

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A Bag of Rocks for $400,000?

On a social media site the other day, someone posted a single sentence to the effect that he’d tried once to read Shakespeare and didn’t like it, so he had to conclude that everybody who says he likes Shakespeare must be a lying hypocrite. He didn’t seem to mean it as a joke. I replied, in jest of, that I had once tried to listen to the music of Brahms and couldn’t make much of it, so I had to conclude… and so forth. We might say similarly stupid things about any field of fascination: topology, chess, military strategy, the sculptures of Michelangelo, Renaissance motets, Pascal’s Pensées, baseball, or John Muir’s accounts of exploring the glaciers of Alaska. Someone else replied, simply, that different people like different things. That answer might suffice, except that we are talking about Shakespeare, not your taste in fast food; and Shakespeare is acknowledged throughout the world as a giant, perhaps the greatest author of imaginative literature ever. Your opponents include people with names like Goethe, Nietzsche, Verdi, Chekhov, Kurosawa, Lincoln, and Sarah Bernhardt; a thousand years from now, it will be the same, so long as people still know how to read, and the bad habits instilled by online skitters have not fried their brains like eggs. Besides, the man who made that obtuse comment was himself a tenured and promoted professor of English literature. Let that sink in. It was not just that the snide despiser of Shakespeare was an ordinary ignoramus. If you ask Hans his opinion about Schiller, and if he were so foolhardy as to say he tried to read him once (note well) and didn’t care for him, you might shrug and conclude that it was a missed connection. If Hans volunteers the opinion without being asked, and if he adds that people who say they love Schiller must be liars, you wouldn’t shrug. You would say Hans was both ignorant and proud. But if you then find out that Hans is a tenured professor of German literature, you wouldn’t know what to make of it. Hans might as well be a nurse in a maternity ward who hates babies. To say it publicly, knowing that he risks nothing in saying it? What does that suggest about the others in his field? English professors now are not likely to be masters of English literature. I do not mean to pick on one despiser of Shakespeare. It wouldn’t be worth the trouble. But in the academy now, he is the rule, not the exception. I do not mean that most professors of English literature specifically despise Shakespeare. Most do not. But most do not know his works very well. The same might be said about Chaucer, Spenser, Milton, Swift, Wordsworth, Tennyson, Melville, Yeats, and any other master of English literature, taken one by one. To be sure, it would be hard to find an English professor ignorant of the works of all those people. But if you were to choose an English professor at random and one of those authors at random, ignorance, total or nearly so, would be the most likely condition. English professors now are not likely to be masters of English literature. From what I have witnessed, something analogous might be said about every field of arts and letters, including politics and history. Many are the causes of this dilapidation.  I will set forth four of them. First, we have the pressures of the modern academy, which privileges production — mainly, articles no one will read — over wisdom. It does not pay the young scholar to learn. It pays to pretend to learn, which you can do well if you narrow your focus either to some object of current fashion or to something obscure enough to allow you to say what you will without challenge. Someone of capacious mind, in love with literature, would thirst to know more about it; would be like Keats when he first looked into Chapman’s Homer. But nothing in the academy rewards that thirst or even acknowledges that it ought to exist. An English professor who says, “I have never read Paradise Lost, nor do I intend to read it,” will not embarrass himself. The shame is that there is no shame. Second, the spread of college education into areas where it did not belong before, and thus the practical necessity of a college degree where once a high school diploma was commendable but not required (journalism, for example), has impoverished middle-class families, set a clamp on how many children people think they can afford to raise, and degraded education itself. It was never going to be possible to keep the quality high if you admitted a great number of people uninterested in the heights. I am speaking not only of intelligence here, but of interests, passions, the scholarly mind. I do not say that the scholar’s mind is better than the soldier’s or the craftsman’s or the businessman’s mind. They are different. I do want knowledge to be disseminated broadly. I support public libraries that really are libraries; I think we have much to learn from such bygone educational movements as the Lyceum and Chautauqua. But turning colleges into credentialing agencies for work that does not require scholarship is another matter. The colleges have become turnpike-holders, with all the consequent incentives for extortion. Because they can extort, they do; and the quality of what they provide sags, since it must be doled out to so many people disinclined to the scholarly life. Yet the keepers pay no price for their slovenliness. Third, you cannot read Shakespeare well without instruction, formal or otherwise, in the kind of art he produced. If you enter the Sistine Chapel to look at the paintings, unless you are steeped in Scripture and Renaissance art, you will soon see you are ill-equipped to understand them. Why are there paintings of scenes from the life of Moses on the left, with paintings of scenes from the life of Christ on the right? Why do the inscriptions mirror one another? Of all the prophets, why is Jonah the one painted so dramatically above the apse? What are the Sibyls doing? Who are those men with names like Naason and Boaz? You must be well-versed not only in what the figures portray, but how they signify, what they have to do with one another, viewed both simultaneously, as a vast constellation of meaning, and in hierarchical order. Consider the opening main clause of Paradise Lost: Of Man’s first disobedience, and the fruit Of that forbidden tree, whose mortal taste Brought death into the world, and all our woe With loss of Eden, till one greater Man Restore us, and regain the blissful seat, Sing, Heavenly Muse. Every noun, verb, and adjective in those few lines is weighted with significance which, as we read, grows greater and more manifold and comprehensive, if we know how to read a work of Baroque Christian art. Milton is signaling to us that the poem will be about Man and Man; the first Man, Adam, who is also mankind and each man, each one of us and all of us in our incorporate lives, lost in the mire of sin and error, until one greater Man, who is Christ, shall regain for us what we have lost — and, as we will see, infinitely more than that. He will restore us, and the verb is not merely abstract. It has to do with nourishment, with life imparted. So the Father will say to the Son, the second Adam, foretelling the redemption he shall purchase with his blood: As in him all men perish, so in thee As from a second root shall be restored As many as are restored, without thee none. Adam ate the forbidden fruit, and we are much deceived if we think the word refers only to that apple dangling from the Tree of Knowledge. All kinds of fruit will be the consequence of that sin; but greater and sweeter fruit will spring up by the re-creating action of God in man’s heart. So says the Son, after Adam and Eve repent and pray: See, Father, what first fruits on earth are sprung From thy ingrafted grace in Man, these sighs And prayers, which in this golden censer, clad With incense, I thy priest before thee bring; Fruits of more pleasing savor from thy seed Sown with contrition in his heart, than those Which his own hands manuring all the trees Of Paradise could have produced, ere fallen From innocence. Nor should we suppose that Milton wants us simply to toss the literal rind away and chew the savory pulp of theology. For the fruits of Paradise are real, and even the angels in heaven enjoy the fruit of the trees of God. I could go on for a long time, but merely to discuss the single motif of “fruit” in Paradise Lost would call for a substantial monograph. The point is that Milton, like the composer of a polyphonic motet, expects of his readers or hearers (Milton was blind when he composed the poem) a sophisticated habit of recalling, reviewing, re-hearing, and reintegrating, as if the world of the poem were open at one sweeping view, both in sequence and in an artistically eternal present. And we are simply not taught to read that way. The habit must be learned. But why bother? Here I come to the fourth and most important consideration. Great artists open us to the truth, at least what portion of it they can grasp, and so we honor them and are grateful to them for opening our eyes to what does not change what is good, what is evil; what man is, and where his blessedness lies; what it means to live and to die; where we came from, and where we are going. I can be grateful for what the troubled unbeliever Jack London saw of the truth, because it is still precious and because he presents it with honesty and artistic power; as I am grateful for Joseph Conrad, and more grateful still for Dostoyevsky, who saw more deeply than London and Conrad did. If, however, you do not believe that such moral, anthropological, cosmic, and theological truth exists, then why sweat to understand a difficult artist who assumes that it does, and whose methods require you at least to pretend that it does, or to take that leap of imagination that can bring the unbeliever into the company of the believer? Why bother to understand Shakespeare? We call him great because he saw so deeply into the soul of man, but if there is no soul to see into, and if you think people choose their philosophy or their faith for baldly political reasons, you have no reason to honor Shakespeare other than for some artistic cleverness, unless you dragoon him into political service. But is that worth the toil and the money? So parents mortgage their home over the chimney-top, for what? So their child will be taught by blockheads and political hacks? Can’t they get that for nothing on social media? What’s the point? READ MORE from Anthony Esolen: The Soundness of a Discipline A Dome for Man ‘Magical Keys’ Are No Substitute for Real Knowledge
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I Have a Knack for Divination

I’m not going to feign a modesty that, like all writers, I lack. I’m pleased to quote myself: “Beyond bombing, the White House’s only foreign contribution these days is sending Antony Blinken around the world’s conflicts, often to be laughed at to his face by America’s enemies, paler and more haggard than ever.” I wrote this in The American Spectator two years ago, on Jan. 24, 2024. In that same article: “The Democrats’ favorite way to manage foreign diplomacy is to bomb random places every few years.” Sometimes it’s worth looking back to see what we had and compare it with what we have now. The world was adrift in the hands of imbeciles and of China and Russia, who are bad but not idiots. Not today. Today, Papa Trump is at the helm. And that is saving us from disappearance. (RELATED: A Nation Adrift Must Become Great Again) Joe Biden had enough on his plate just slowly navigating the White House without bumping into the walls. His favorite pastime was walking into the Oval Office, standing there, and asking, “What the hell was I looking for here?” Then he’d spin a globe, randomly point at a country, and drop bombs. No sooner had he taken office than he bombed Syria after an attack on American troops in Iraq. He also bombed Libya, which Biden most likely couldn’t distinguish from Syria, because they sound similar. And he also bombed Yemen and Somalia, where bombs are already exploding anyway, whether from his side or the other. This bellicose foreign policy, through which Biden reaped failure after failure, greatly amused the Democrats and prompted jubilant editorials in The New York Times. Trump’s bombs, on the other hand, are fascist and are said to risk provoking World War III. One phenomenon yet to be studied is the scientific miracle whereby missiles deliver only cotton-candy caresses when launched by the left, and leave death, blood, and destruction when launched by the right. Be that as it may, Trump has better aim. With a small fireworks display, he grabbed Maduro by the mustache and threw him in prison. (RELATED: A Merry Ballad for a Weeping Mustache) From a pragmatic point of view, the difference between Biden’s and Trump’s military actions is that Trump’s actually serve a purpose. On one hand, they infuriate the left, which is always amusing. On the other hand, with a single blow, he toppled Maduro, so now when he warns Iran to watch where it puts its hands, the turbaned idiots take him seriously. The same logic applies to economic warfare. With Cuba’s funding channels through Venezuelan oil cut off, Trump expects the Havana regime to collapse on its own. The president said the United States could go in and destroy everything — but he said it like a boxer who refuses to hit an opponent who is sick, skinny, and already knocked out. When you are not feared, international diplomacy is merely an excuse for evil to spread endlessly, cloaked in fine words. Diplomacy is an intelligent and very useful tool when your opponents respect you. When you are not feared, international diplomacy is merely an excuse for evil to spread endlessly, cloaked in fine words. In that respect, Biden’s foreign policy is very similar to the approach the European Union has been taking for years. The French and Germans tend to tighten their ties, practice John Wayne expressions in front of the mirror, yet barely manage to look anything other than Rowan Atkinson from Mr. Bean. Nobody respects the EU, starting with its own citizens. Putin felt some compassion for Biden, but he respects Trump. The same can be said of Xi Jinping, of von der Leyen — who is terrified of him — and of Colombian president Gustavo Petro. And let’s not forget that respect for a head of government is not personal, but national. Respecting Trump actually means respecting the interests of the United States and its citizens. Perhaps it is impolite of me to admit that, in that article, at least for once, I was right about everything. I concluded: “If Donald Trump wants to return to the White House, he will not only have to defeat Haley first and then Biden. In fact, he will have to defeat an entire global media war. If anyone is capable of pulling something like that off, it’s him. If they let him.” And that is exactly what is happening. The United States is embroiled in a global war: a war for its sovereignty, an economic war, a defensive war, a geostrategic war, and a cultural war. Peace is all well and good. But even for a Christian who sees the foundations of his civilization threatened, a good war is always preferable to a bad peace. It is a good moment, then, to recall a phrase attributed to Churchill, which I am convinced he would have loved to say, though he never did: “An appeaser is one who feeds a crocodile, hoping it will eat him last.” We, the conservatives of 2026, on the contrary, stand with Reagan of 1983: “American strength is a sheltering arm for peace and freedom in an often dangerous world. And strength is the most persuasive argument we have to convince our adversaries to give up their hostile intentions, to negotiate seriously, and to stop bullying other nations. In the real world, peace through strength must be our motto.” READ MORE from Itxu Díaz: A Merry Ballad for a Weeping Mustache In Search of Freedom 2025 Unfiltered: Politics, Pandemonium, and Peculiar Peace
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Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
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spectator.org

America’s Cultural Chasm: Family v. Individualism

The future of humanity rests not upon government, but with the family. A principle that is as bold as it is true and profound. Recently, the Institute for Family Studies released a comprehensive study titled “The Decline in Marriage and Childbearing Among Progressives,” exposing contrasting cultural attitudes toward the institution of family. The research shows that conservatives overwhelmingly regard marriage and parenthood as essential virtues, forming the foundation of both individual happiness and social order. (RELATED: Conservative Women Will Be at the Heart of America’s Family Revival) In contrast, those on the left often exhibit ambivalence toward these institutions, frequently prioritizing professional advancement and personal aspirations over the traditional family. (RELATED: How Feminism Has Escaped Public Scrutiny) The study shows a clear majority of conservative young adults between the ages of 25 and 35 have not only married but also embraced parenthood, whereas among their leftist counterparts, these milestones remain the exception rather than the rule. (RELATED: We’re Winning the Marriage Fight in Spite of Ourselves) Such data accentuates an ideological divide that underscores how values shape behavior and, in this particular study, offers differing worldviews about marriage and family that are producing markedly different demographic outcomes. Women on the left are not only significantly less likely to marry but also less inclined to participate in religious life, particularly church attendance. This pattern matters because these same women report markedly higher levels of unhappiness. Such a trend is largely attributed to social isolation and the deep sense of loneliness that often accompanies it. Loneliness is not just a quiet personal battle; it is also the kind of thing that can spill out into the public square in ways we would all prefer it didn’t. Gallup’s latest dive into youth and loneliness delivered a real shocker: apparently, when young men are left stewing in isolation, some of them decide that political violence sounds like a reasonable hobby. Who could have guessed that cutting people off from community and purpose might scramble their judgment and make extreme ideas look appealing? Truly groundbreaking stuff. So yes, loneliness is not just a quiet personal battle; it is also the kind of thing that can spill out into the public square in ways we would all prefer it didn’t. These findings reaffirm a timeless sociological revelation that humans are social creatures. Amazing. Apparently, we are wired to seek connection through longstanding institutions like marriage, family, and faith. Who knew those were not just optional lifestyle choices? If that were not enough, these bonds also happen to be the bedrock of community cohesion and emotional stability. In other words, the things people have relied on for millennia are actually good for happiness and health. What a plot twist on the human condition. Declining birth rates are most pronounced among the left and in blue states in particular. This demographic shift is accompanied by families increasingly relocating from blue to red states, reshaping not only the cultural landscape but also the political one. (RELATED: Tough Luck, Liberals! Conservatives Just Have More Babies) As population losses drain electoral‑college power from blue states and toward red ones, it underscores how the real political kingmaker is not any political party strategist or political action committee but the modest birthrate, which apparently moonlights as a partisan operative. (RELATED: The Left Has a Baby Dilemma) Social media and obsessive gaming encourage quick, surface‑level interactions rather than meaningful ties. The more virtual exchanges dominate daily life, the more isolated people become. Compounding these trends is the decline in religious faith, leaving in its wake a vacuum that breeds loneliness and isolation, that reduces one’s well-being. It is in both individual and societal interest to nurture a cultural environment where deep, enduring bonds can flourish. Yet this aspiration is increasingly undermined by the pervasive ethos of radical individualism that elevates personal autonomy above communal responsibility, eroding the very foundations of a civil society. The corruption of God’s created order by government, healthcare, academia, bureaucratic institutions, and others who attempt to erase biological truth and redefine what it means to be man and woman serves no one. Schools indoctrinating children with radical ideologies only drive a wedge between parents and their children. Such leftist ideology is detrimental to individual well-being and to society. Ignoring these realities solves nothing. Enduring institutions are not built in capitals but around kitchen tables. No government alone can regulate, subsidize, or legislate its way out of cultural decline. However, legislators can help by creating incentives that strengthen marriage, childbearing, and family life. As Christmas reminds us, no light shines warmer, no bond runs deeper than a society anchored in strong families that reinforce virtue and moral clarity. READ MORE from Greg Maresca: Student-Athlete or Free Agent? Eligibility, International Intrigue and NCAA Drama A Cynic’s Ruminations on 2026
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Mad Mad World
Mad Mad World
15 m Wild & Crazy

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Body Camera Obliterates Lefty Talking Points on Woman Hitting ICE Officer
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