'The bird flew into the Zoo’s Tiger Lair habitat'

The boy allegedly started a crime spree before turning 14

He was later taken to hospital in an ambulance

A post shared on social media purports that Minnesota Governor Tim Walz signed a bill making it illegal to discriminate against pedophiles. As Minnesota governor, Tim Walz signed a bill making it illegal to discriminate against pedophiles under the state’s civil rights law. Follow: @AFpost pic.twitter.com/vQNMTrKCqG — AF Post (@AFpost) August 7, 2024 Verdict: Misleading The Take Pride […]

It was taken from a CBS News interview in 2019, not 2024.

'Remove most age restrictions'

There is an uncanny symmetry in the two presidential candidates’ choice of vice presidential running mates. There are a few superficial differences–Republican J.D. Vance is 40, Democrat Tim Walz 60. Vance is bearded, Walz balding. The similarities are greater, and they go beyond the fact of their military service. Both were chosen by principals in moments of exuberance: former President Donald Trump after he’d walloped President Joe Biden in debate and survived an assassination attempt, Vice President Kamala Harris after she’d outperformed expectations and surged to a lead in the polls. Each might have reflected that poll leads can vanish and that, in any case, theirs were not so impressive. Trump never quite reached 50% against Biden, and Harris’ numbers remain well short of Biden’s 4.5-percentage-point popular vote lead that enabled him to win an Electoral College majority by only 42,918 votes in three states. As it often does with politicians, optimism prevailed. Each nominee–Harris has been nominated preconvention over the internet–chose a candidate whose record accentuated the ticket’s differences from earlier party traditions–and who has seemed less likely than possible alternatives to appeal to voters dismayed by both alternatives. Vance is a convert, from a 2016 scoffer at Trumpism to a true believer, in a demotic Republican Party that reflects the cultural discontents and economic grievances of a working-class majority–“demotic” comes from the same Greek root as “democracy.” He articulately defends tariffs, scoffs at Ukraine aid, and celebrates family values not just abstractly but with provocative references to “childless cat ladies.” Walz, despite his roots in Blue Earth County, Minnesota, and occasional centrist congressional votes, has come to represent a metropolitan Democratic Party, whose big majorities in million-plus metro areas owe less to race-defined minorities and more to white college graduates in each electoral cycle. He was sympathetic to rioters in May 2020–he hesitated before sending in the National Guard. He has called for a “working ceasefire” in Gaza and signed a bill putting menstrual pads in fourth- to 12th-grade boys bathrooms. For both sides, the vice presidential nominees have been target-rich environments. Walz, pre-designation, led Democrats in labeling Vance “weird,” and Republicans will undoubtedly respond with gusto. And the candidates at the top of the tickets provide more targets. Trump inexplicably attacked the Republican governor in target state Georgia and suggested he didn’t realize Harris was Black, while Harris, if she ever allows questions from reporters, may have to explain why she ordered campaign aides to tweet renunciations of her 2019 support of abolishing Immigration and Customs Enforcement, banning fracking, and abolishing private health insurance. The Vance and Walz selections can be explained as attempts to set the course of the parties over the long-term future–a demotic Republican Party that will outlast the 78-year-old Trump, a metropolitan Democratic Party that will expand Harris’ coastal California base to the flyover territories. But in the short term, the Vance and Walz picks increase the chances the other party will achieve the trifecta–majorities in both houses of Congress and the White House–which both parties have plausibly sought in every presidential year this century. Democrats achieved it in 2008 and 2020, Republicans in 2004 and 2016. Their 2022 election results suggest that neither vice presidential candidate’s electoral performance adds anything–zero, zip, nada–to each party’s appeal. Vance won his Senate seat in Ohio with 53% of the vote, exactly the same as Trump’s percentage there in 2020. His percentages in metro Cleveland-Akron, 43%, and Columbus, 45%, were identical to Trump’s. He ran 1 point better, 54%, in metro Cincinnati, which includes his boyhood home of Middletown. In the rest of the state, which includes the smaller Dayton, Toledo and Youngstown metro areas and cast 43% of statewide votes, Vance’s percentage, 62%, was identical to Trump’s. Walz’s boosters make much of his 2006-16 wins in a mostly non-million-plus metropolitan congressional district, although one reason was his success in Olmsted County, the upscale high-education home of the Mayo Clinic. Statewide, in races for governor, his percentage actually dropped from 54% in 2018 to 52% in 2022. That drop was greatest in the 38% of the state outside metro Minneapolis-St. Paul, from 46% to 40%. His 2022 performance was uncannily similar to Biden’s in 2020. Both won 52% statewide, both won 71% in the two counties that include metro MSP’s two central cities, and both just narrowly lost, with 48%, in the ring of metro MSP counties beyond. In the rest of the state, Walz’s 40% was just below Biden’s 41%. These numbers suggest we continue to live in an era of straight-ticket voting, with a close balance between the two parties, as they have come to be defined–and reinforced by the Vance and Walz selections. That’s underlined by this week’s primary election returns. In the close Senate race in Michigan, which doesn’t have party registration, 51% of the votes, with 90% of returns in, were cast for Democratic candidates and 49% for Republicans. This is one of six Democratic-held Senate seats in which Democrats lead in polls but usually fall short of 50%. Traditionally, incumbents under 50% were considered vulnerable, but maybe not in a straight-ticket environment, where personal qualities matter less than party identification. If so, Democrats have hopes of holding on to a 50-50 split, with a Vice President Walz casting a tiebreaker. Their hopes for a trifecta, seemingly defunct a few weeks ago, seem alive. So do Republicans’, however. Hopes of retaining their current narrow House majority look a bit better as more Republican than Democratic votes were cast this week in the Democratic-held 3rd congressional districts of Michigan and Washington, which also doesn’t have party registration. Republicans’ hopes of achieving a trifecta appear better than Democrats’–but far from assured. Underlying poll questions suggest most voters have a more positive view of the Trump presidency than of what Republicans are calling the Biden-Harris presidency, that inflation and immigration remain problems for Democrats, and that foreign policy doesn’t seem to help the incumbent party or its nominee. Counterbalancing factors include the determination of most of the press to help Harris defeat Trump, evidenced most recently in the complacency at Harris’ unwillingness to answer questions or speak extemporaneously. And, of course, Trump’s undisciplined alarums and excursions, which helped defeat many Republicans in 2018, ’20, ’21 and ’22, may help defeat the nominee himself in a year when his polling, even with the Harris boom, continues to be stronger than in 2016 or 2020. It’s not over. COPYRIGHT 2024 CREATORS.COM We publish a variety of perspectives. Nothing written here is to be construed as representing the views of The Daily Signal. The post The Symmetrical Vice Presidential Picks: Polarized Politics Continues appeared first on The Daily Signal.

ATLANTA—Republicans need to set aside past grievances and unite to win the presidential election in November because America cannot withstand four more years with radical Democrats in the White House, Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp said Friday. Kemp spoke at radio talk-show host Erick Erickson’s The Gathering conference on Friday morning in Atlanta, days after former President Donald Trump called fellow Republican Kemp “a bad guy,” “a disloyal guy,” and “a very average governor.” The rift began when Kemp refused Trump’s request to hold a special legislative session to investigate the results of the 2020 presidential election in Georgia. “With a lot of noise out there, as you can imagine, a lot of distractions, in my opinion, is not what we need to be doing right now in the presidential campaign, or on any campaigns that we’re running in the state of Georgia, to keep our majorities in the House and in the Senate,” Kemp said. “Despite all of that noise, my position has not changed.” The Georgia Republican is committed to getting Trump back in the White House, he said. “The thing that bothers me most about the Biden-Harris administration is, they’re picking winners and losers in Washington, D.C.,” Kemp said. It’s crucial to get conservatives back in office to reform executive branch agencies, the Georgia governor said. The governor is hopeful a Republican president can overhaul the administrative state after the Supreme Court’s overturning of the 40-year-old Chevron doctrine, which had the effect of increasing the scope and power of unelected bureaucrats. Kemp in April signed a school choice bill into law, garnering criticism from Biden administration Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona. “Getting kids out of failing schools and giving them an option where they can get out of that failing school, to get an education that they deserve, in our state, to me, that is an absolute no-brainer,” Kemp said. For the first time in history, the gross domestic product growth combined in the South outpaced that of the Northeast. Kemp said that’s because of Republican governors, such as Greg Abbott of Texas, Glenn Youngkin of Virginia, and himself. “It’s because of the Republican governors,” Kemp said. “It’s because of the business environment, and it’s because of the environment in the Northeast and in places like California. They’re literally just running people out of their states, and we’re glad to take them, as long as they vote our way.” The post Georgia Gov. Kemp Urges Republicans to Leave the Past Behind, Support Trump appeared first on The Daily Signal.

On Jan. 21, 2017, hundreds of thousands of feminists wearing pink “pussyhats” protested the prior day’s presidential inauguration of Donald Trump by rampaging throughout Washington, D.C. The “Women’s March on Washington,” an extension of the riots and protests that shook the capital on Inauguration Day itself, was not exactly a peaceful affair. Hundreds of anarchists in total were arrested over the multiday period, typically on rioting or vandalism charges. The “pussyhat”-clad feminist rioters thus constituted the first Trump-era manifestation of destructive Democratic shock troops. Call it Democratic Street Thuggery 1.0. That particularly virulent strain of radical feminism reached a crescendo during the #MeToo societal struggle session of 2017-2018, culminating in the infamous Christine Blasey Ford-led attempt to derail Brett Kavanaugh’s U.S. Supreme Court nomination in Sept. 2018. Arguably the single leading misandrist crusader during that sordid affair, peddling the ludicrous “believe all women” smear from her senatorial dais and casually throwing out five millennia of “innocent until proven guilty” civilizational norms in the process, was none other than dimwitted California Sen. Kamala Harris. Alas, Joe Biden — or what little remained, even back then, of Joe Biden — was so awestruck by Harris’ vile interrogation of Kavanaugh and her own hilariously unimpressive 2020 presidential campaign that he tapped her to be his running mate. Cackling Kamala’s grand contribution to the Biden campaign was to dutifully launder her own swarthy complexion to “empathize” with left-wing America during our next great struggle session, the antifa-Black Lives Matter “racial reckoning” that followed the May 2020 death of St. George Floyd our Martyr. Such “empathy” included Kamala’s unctuous rhetorical support for the rioters, as well as her posting to social media a link to support bail for those rare BLM rioters who were actually arrested. The antifa-BLM rioters, who caused up to $2 billion in property damage during that infamous Summer of Love, constituted Democratic Street Thuggery 2.0. No politician in recent memory has parlayed such little talent into such stratospheric success as Harris. The cackler-in-chief “failed upward” yet again into the vice presidency — and now, following last month’s bloodless coup of Biden, into the Democratic presidential nomination itself. And this Tuesday, in announcing her running mate, Kamala ostentatiously passed on her clearly superior option, popular Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, for the insipid prairie socialist Gov. Tim Walz of Minnesota. Walz, as the home-state governor of St. George Floyd our Martyr, was the original arsonist of the Summer of Love nationwide fire. There was no greater fanner of the flames of Democratic Street Thuggery 2.0 than Walz. Choosing Walz over Shapiro is curious for many reasons, but adding to the intrigue is the peculiar context in which it all went down. Kamala made her announcement in Philadelphia, Shapiro’s hometown. It came a few days after the mayor of Philadelphia — or, more accurately, the mayor’s hapless social media intern — inadvertently posted a polished video in support of a Harris-Shapiro ticket. The implication seemed clear enough: The pick was going to be Shapiro. But then, following a weekend of keffiyeh-clad radicals running wild in Philadelphia, waving Hamas and Hezbollah flags and decrying “Genocide Josh,” the Keystone State governor was suddenly tossed aside. Kamala caved to the “death to America!”- and “death to Israel!”-chanting jihadists who constitute Democratic Street Thuggery 3.0. Harris, intellectually challenged and an empty vessel for Democrats to project their basest desires, is the unique politician to find herself at the tripartite Venn diagram of all three Democratic Street Thuggery movements. The overlap of “believe all women”-style destructive feminism, antifa-BLM “racial reckoning” anarchy and Hamas/Hezbollah flag-flying civilizational jihad is embodied in one person: Kamala Harris. She is the perfect totem of the modern Democratic Party, which exalts intersectional victimhood and will whip its shock troops into a violent frenzy to get what it wants. The modern Democratic Party is less political vehicle and more Mafia — right down to the omerta code of silence surrounding Biden’s physical and mental decline. Many European countries have indulged the fiction that jihadist outfits Hamas and Hezbollah — the actual Middle Eastern terrorist organizations, not their useful idiot American supporters — can somehow be divided between “political” and “militant” wings. This is, of course, a lie — it is a distinction without a difference. Similarly, the notion that the Democratic Party can be distinguished between its elite “political wing” and shock troop “militant wing” is also a lie. The elites and the shock troops are one and the same. And Harris and Walz are at the epicenter of it all. On Oct. 30, 2020, this column argued that the then-impending election “pit(s) against each other a fundamentally Americanist vision of governance and a fundamentally insurrectionist vision of anarchic mayhem.” It was true then. And it’s even truer of our election cycle today. COPYRIGHT 2024 CREATORS.COM We publish a variety of perspectives. Nothing written here is to be construed as representing the views of The Daily Signal. The post Kamala Harris and the Civilizational Jihad of Democratic Street Thuggery appeared first on The Daily Signal.

Labour to 'Define' Islamophobia So It Can More Easily Continue Its War on Native Brits