Stifling. The post George Harrison once claimed Paul McCartney “ruined” him as a guitarist first appeared on Far Out Magazine.

Last year, Aaron Hertzberg compiled an idiot’s guide on how to convince the masses that there is a deadly pandemic, when there isn’t one, and pretend there are no injuries caused by […]

On this day thirty-seven years ago… Mötley Crüe bassist Nikki Sixx died from a drug overdose. He was pronounced dead in the ambulance before medics administered two adrenaline shots in the chest which revived him. Media outlets started reporting Sixx’s death. But after an in-hospital interrogation by police he was released on his own recognizance (ignoring medical advice to stay under doctor’s care). While wandering shirtless in the hospital parking lot, he encountered two crying fans who gave him a lift home. Once home, Sixx recorded an answering machine message. “Hey, it’s Nikki. I’m not home because I’m dead.” He then took more heroin and passed out again. “Heroin nearly killed me. As a matter of fact, it did,” Sixx wrote in an editorial for the Los Angeles Times. “From the outside looking in, I was living the dream. But in reality, I was in the throes of a disease I couldn’t control, addicted to heroin.” ### The post A Day In Rock: December 23rd, 1987 – Nikki Sixx Dies… But Not For Long appeared first on RockinTown.

by Cassandra MacDonald, The Gateway Pundit: Democrat National Committee official Lindy Li has speculated that Joe Biden is pushing an insider trading ban because he has a “bone to pick” with Nancy Pelosi, who is “notorious” for the practice. Pelosi was one of the people who pressed Biden to drop out of the presidential race […]

  For much of its history, Russia, and its predecessor Muscovy, have been a land power. It was only at the turn of the 18th century that Russia acquired an ocean fleet. This article provides an overview of five of the most important battles fought by the Russian navy over the last 300 years, beginning with a victory over the Swedish fleet during the reign of Peter the Great and ending with a calamitous defeat to Japan on the eve of the First World War.   1. Battle of Gangut: August 7, 1714 Peter the Great, Tsar of Russia by Sir Godfrey Kneller, 1698. Source: Royal Collection of the United Kingdom   As a young man, Tsar Peter the Great of Russia was fascinated by maritime affairs, even though Russia’s only port was in the Arctic Sea. When Peter assumed effective power in 1689, Russia was at war with the Ottoman Empire. In 1696, Peter captured the fortress of Azov on the Black Sea. In October of that year, he founded the Russian Navy at nearby Taganrog to support further military action against the Ottomans.   The navy was part of a wider project to modernize the Russian state, and members of the Russian nobility were sent to study abroad in Western European countries. In 1697-98, Peter himself visited Western Europe in his Grand Embassy. Although Peter did not achieve his main objective of finding allies against the Ottomans, he took many foreign artisans, specialists, and mercenaries back to Russia.   In 1700, Russia joined Denmark and Saxony-Poland in attacking Sweden in an effort to take advantage of the new teenage king, Charles XII. Peter and his allies were astonished when Charles proved to be a brilliant military commander, defeating Danish and Polish armies in quick succession before routing Peter’s Russians at Narva on November 30, 1700.   However, the Swedish forces then turned to Poland and eventually dethroned King Augustus II, giving Peter valuable time to reorganize his army. In 1703, he captured the Swedish fortress of Nyenskans and founded what is now St. Petersburg. By the time Charles turned his attention to Russia, Peter was ready to meet the challenge and defeated him at the decisive Battle of Poltava in 1709.   The Battle of Gangut by Alexey Bogolyubov, 1877. Source: Wikimedia Commons (Central Naval Museum, St Petersburg, Russia)   By the spring of 1713, Tsar Peter had begun an offensive in Finland and quickly gained control of southern Finland, but a Swedish blockade in the Baltic Sea threatened to cut off supplies.   Determined to break through the blockade and occupy the Hanko Peninsula (Gangut in Russian), the Tsar sent a fleet under Admiral Fyodor Apraksin from Kronstadt in May 1714. By the end of June, the fleet of 80 galleys arrived near the Hanko Peninsula and was met by the Swedish fleet under the command of Admiral Gustaf Wattrang, which had 16 ships of the line and seven smaller ships.   Admiral Apraksin asked for reinforcements and requested that the Tsar personally assume command of the battle. Peter I arrived from Reval (now Tallinn, Estonia) to the fleet on July 20. In the following weeks, the Russians made a breakthrough after several attempts to run the blockade against the naval detachment led by Rear Admiral Nils Ehrenskiöld. On August 7, Ehrenskiöld refused to surrender, and the Russians made three attacks on his detachment. Though lightly armed, the Russian galleys were more agile, and all Swedish ships were either captured or sunk, and Ehrenskiöld was wounded and captured.   Tsar Peter took great pride in the victory at the Battle of Gangut. At Poltava, the Russians had defeated the Swedes on land, and Gangut demonstrated that the Russians could also win at sea. The victory continues to be celebrated in Russia as the Day of the Russian Navy on the last Sunday of July.   2. Battle of Tendra: September 8-9, 1790 Fyodor Ushakov by Pyotr Bazhanov, 1912. Source: Wikimedia Commons (Central Naval Museum, St Petersburg)   The Ottoman Empire was one of Russia’s main rivals during the 18th century, and the two fought a series of wars during this period. Following the Russian successes in the Russo-Turkish War of 1768–1774, the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca was signed between the two parties, which made the Khanate of Crimea a Russian protectorate. The Crimean peninsula was subsequently annexed by Russia in 1783, and the naval base of Sevastopol was founded that year.   The Ottoman Empire considered the annexation of Crimea a violation of the terms of the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca and prepared a campaign to regain the lost territories. Britain and France offered diplomatic support as they became increasingly alarmed by Russian expansion, and hostilities resumed in August 1787.   Although the Ottoman navy enjoyed a numerical advantage, the Ottoman fleet was defeated by Rear-Admiral Marko Voinovich’s Sevastopol Squadron at the Battle of Fidonisi in July 1788. Empress Catherine the Great believed that Voinovich was not being aggressive enough, and in March 1790, appointed Fyodor Ushakov as commander of the Black Sea Fleet.   A dynamic and aggressive naval tactician, Ushakov was Voinovich’s second-in-command at Fidonsi. His intervention at the decisive moment prevented the enemy from splitting the Russian fleet. In July, Ushakov won the Battle of the Kerch Strait to prevent the Ottomans from landing in Crimea.   Russian squadron under the command of Vice-Admiral Fyodor Ushakov sailing through the strait of Constantinople on 8 September 1798 by Mikhail Ivanov, 1799. Source: State Russian Museum, St. Petersburg   The Ottoman fleet under Hussein Pasha and Admiral Seyid Bey restored their damaged ships. It anchored between Khadjibey (now Odesa, Ukraine) and Cape Tendra, blocking Russian communications with Sevastopol and preventing the Sevastopol flotilla from joining the Liman flotilla, intended to support Field Marshal Grigory Potemkin’s army in the Lower Danube.   On September 5, Ushakov took the Sevastopol squadron, with ten ships of the line, six frigates, and small craft, to sea from Sevastopol to Kherson in three columns. On September 8, the Ottoman fleet of 14 battleships, eight frigates, and 23 other ships was still anchored between Odesa and Cape Tendra.   The Ottoman fleet was taken by surprise and hurried towards the mouth of the Danube. With Ushakov at his tail, Hussein Pasha turned to face the Russian fleet. Ushakov closed the distance and targeted the Ottoman vanguard.   The Battle of Tendra began at around 3 p.m., and Ushakov’s flagship Rozhdestvo Christovo was engaged in battle with three ships at once. By 6 p.m., the Ottomans began to retreat, allowing the Russians to inflict heavy damage for another two hours.   The following morning, two Ottoman ships, including the 74-gun Kapitana, Seyid Bey’s flagship, were still lagging behind. The Kapitana continued to fight despite being surrounded by Russian ships and engulfed in flames, and it exploded shortly after its surrender. At 4:30 p.m., Ushakov recalled the other Russian ships that were pursuing the enemy.   Ushakov’s victory at the Battle of Tendra allowed the Liman flotilla to support the Russian land forces in the Danube region. This enabled General Alexander Suvorov to capture the Ottoman stronghold at Izmail on December 22, which compelled the Ottomans to formally concede Crimea at the 1792 Treaty of Jassy.   3. Battle of Navarino: October 20, 1827 Portrait of Tsar Nicholas I of Russia by Franz Krüger, 1852. Source: State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg   During the late 18th and early 19th centuries, there were several Greek revolts and uprisings against Ottoman rule. Russia was sympathetic towards their fellow Orthodox believers in Greece, and the prospect of conquering Constantinople was always in the minds of Russian rulers.   By the beginning of the 19th century, there was a significant Greek diaspora in southern Ukraine, recently conquered by Russia. The Russians also briefly ruled over Corfu and the Ionian islands, and the Greek politician Ioannis Kapodistrias was appointed joint foreign minister by Tsar Alexander I of Russia in 1816.   Alexander was concerned that hostilities in Greece would disrupt the balance of power in Europe, but his Greek adjutant Alexander Ypsilantis led an insurrection against Ottoman rule in February 1821. Although Ypsilantis was defeated, further revolts broke out, and the rebels gained control of the Peloponnese, declaring independence in January 1822.   Kapodistrias urged Alexander to support the Greek revolutionaries, but the Tsar refused. The former resigned as foreign minister in 1822, and in 1827, he was elected president by the Greek National Assembly.   Although the Ottomans regained control of the Peloponnese and Athens in 1826-27, they were becoming diplomatically isolated. The British government was sympathetic towards Greek independence, and in the Protocol of St. Petersburg of 1826 concluded between the Duke of Wellington and the new Tsar Nicholas I, the two powers agreed to mediate between the Greeks and the Ottomans in favor of a Greek autonomous state under Ottoman sovereignty. The Greeks formally accepted Anglo-Russian mediation, while the Ottoman Empire refused.   The Battle of Navarino by Ambroise-Louis Garneray, 1824-30. Source: Château de Versailles   Meanwhile, King Charles X of France reversed his pro-Ottoman stance in response to pro-Greek sentiment. On July 6, 1827, the Treaty of London was signed between Britain, France, and Russia to support Greek autonomy while limiting Russian expansionism in the Eastern Mediterranean.   When the Ottoman Empire rejected the treaty, a British fleet led by Admiral Sir Edward Codrington sailed to the Ionian Sea to put diplomatic pressure on the Ottomans. Codrington was a staunch supporter of the Greek cause and lacked the tact for such a mission.   An Egyptian-Ottoman fleet left Alexandria on August 5 and joined other Ottoman units on September 8 at Navarino on the western Peloponnese. Codrington’s squadron arrived on September 12. Further negotiations were unsuccessful; the Ottoman leader Ibrahim Pasha saw that Codrington still allowed the Greeks to continue fighting while expecting the Ottomans to observe the ceasefire.   By October 13, Codrington’s fleet was joined by the French fleet under Henri de Rigny and the Russian fleet under Lodewijk van Heiden. At 2 p.m. on October 20, the combined Allied fleet entered Navarino Bay in order to force the Ottomans to accept an armistice. The Allies were heavily outnumbered, with 22 ships against 78 ships on the Ottoman side, but were better equipped.   When Ibrahim Pasha ordered the Allies to leave the bay, Codrington refused. Amid the tense situation, a shot was fired from an Ottoman ship—possibly by mistake—and a chaotic battle ensued for the next four hours. The Allies lost no ships, though several were heavily damaged, while only eight Ottoman ships remained seaworthy. In 1829, the Ottomans were forced to abandon Greece and recognized full independence in 1832.   4. Battle of Sinope: November 30, 1853  Monument to Admiral Pavel Nakhimov in Sevastopol, Ukraine photograph taken in 2007. Source: Wikimedia Commons   As the Ottoman Empire continued to decline throughout the 19th century, Tsar Nicholas I sought to take advantage of the “Sick Man of Europe.” During the 1850s, a conflict began as a result of disagreements about the protection of Christians in the Ottoman Empire. While France, under Napoleon III, considered itself a protector of Catholic Christians, Russia was on the side of Orthodox Christians. Between them, there had been an argument over the possession of holy sites in Palestine for several years, and Sultan Abdulmejid I was in favor of the French.   Moreover, Russia demanded that the Ottoman Empire recognize Nicholas I as the protector of Orthodox Christians in Ottoman territories. When the sultan refused, Russian troops marched into the Danubian provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia in July 1853, where Russia had been recognized as the guardian of the Orthodox Church. On October 4, the Ottoman Empire declared war on Russia after negotiations failed.   Despite the hostilities in the Danube region and the Caucasus, the naval action did not begin until well into November. Due to poor weather, a squadron of 12 Turkish ships en route to support the Ottoman Army in Georgia, commanded by Osman Pasha, a veteran of the Battle of Navarino, was anchored in Sinope Bay, on the southern coast of the Black Sea in northern Turkey. Meanwhile, Admiral Pavel Nakhimov, also a veteran of Navarino, led his Black Sea fleet to meet the Ottoman fleet.   Battle of Sinope by Ivan Aivazovsky, 1853. Source: Wikimedia Commons (Central Naval Museum, St. Petersburg)   On November 30, Nakhimov’s squadron of 11 ships entered Sinope Bay and demanded surrender from Osman Pasha’s Ottoman squadron. The Ottomans refused as they were confident in their preparations for battle, and the Russians duly opened fire. While the Ottoman fleet was faring well at the beginning of the Battle of Sinope, the 700 Russian naval guns were equipped with a new type of explosive shells, which proved superior and devastating against the wooden hulls of the Ottoman ships.   Nakhimov kept firing even after the Ottoman ships were set on fire in order to destroy the coastal fortifications, killing 3,000 civilians in the port of Sinope. Out of the entire Ottoman squadron, only the steamer Taif escaped the battle to deliver news of Nakhimov’s victory to Istanbul on December 2. Meanwhile, Osman Pasha was wounded in the foot and was captured by the Russians, remaining a prisoner of war until 1855.   The crushing Russian victory at Sinope led to fears that the Russians would overrun the Balkans, prompting Franco-British intervention. On January 3, 1854, French and British ships entered the Black Sea. When Russia refused to withdraw from the Danube region, France and Great Britain declared war, marking the beginning of the Crimean War. Nakhimov led the valiant defense of Sevastopol but was killed in July 1855, and the port fell in September. The Russians sued for peace, and the war ended in March 1856, stalling Russian ambitions in the Balkans for two decades.   5. Battle of Tsushima: May 27-28, 1905 Russian battery and Japanese victory monument at Port Arthur, Lushunkou District, Dalian, China, photograph by Jimmy Chen, 2019. Source: Jimmy Chen   As Russia’s expansion in Europe was thwarted by its rivals, the empire turned towards the east during the second half of the 19th century. By the 1890s, the Russian Empire extended to Central Asia as far as Afghanistan and to Kamchatka in the Far East. In 1891, Russia began the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway, linking Moscow and St. Petersburg to the port of Vladivostok on the Pacific coast.   As the sea around Vladivostok was frozen for half the year, Russia looked for a warm water port in the Pacific to further its eastern ambitions. The Russians set their sights on Port Arthur (now Lüshunkou District in Dalian City) in Liaoning province in China, built in the 1880s for the Chinese Beiyang Fleet, which was conquered by Japan during the First Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895). The European powers were alarmed by Japan’s success, and Russia, Germany, and France staged the Triple Intervention to force Japan to give up Port Arthur.   In 1897, Russia occupied Port Arthur and established its Pacific Fleet there, building a branch line from the Trans-Siberian Railway to the port, later known as the South Manchuria Railway. The Japanese saw the intervention as humiliating and continued to strengthen its heavy industry and military.   During the Boxer Rebellion (1900–01), Russia was part of the Eight-Nation Alliance, which intervened to defeat the uprising. Russian troops continued to occupy Manchuria in the aftermath. The Japanese proposed talks, which continued from 1902 to 1904 with no result.   Admiral Zinovy Rozhestvensky, unknown photographer, 1904(?). Source: Wikimedia Commons   On February 8-9, 1904, Japanese ships launched a surprise night attack on the Russian ships at Port Arthur, and the formal declaration of war only arrived in the Russian capital on February 10. Although several Russian ships were damaged, Russian shore batteries prevented the Japanese from capturing the port.   Over the following months, Russian armies suffered several major defeats on land, and by August, the Japanese blockaded Port Arthur. In an attempt to relieve the beleaguered Pacific Fleet, the Russian Baltic Fleet under Admiral Zinovy Rozhestvensky was redesignated the 2nd Pacific Squadron and set sail from Reval on October 15, 1904, while a 3rd Pacific Squadron consisting of smaller and older ships was led by Rear Admiral Nikolai Nebogatov.   On October 21, 1904, the Russian fleet was involved in the Dogger Bank Incident, in which Russian ships fired on British fishing boats in the North Sea after mistaking them for Japanese torpedo boats. The incident caused an outcry in Britain, already an ally of Japan, but the British government remained neutral.   The Russian ships faced an immense logistical challenge as neutral countries were reluctant to allow them to take on supplies in port. The 2nd Squadron divided into two groups—the smaller cruisers went through the Suez Canal while the larger battleships sailed around the Cape of Africa and rejoined the cruisers in Madagascar, where Rozhestvensky learned that Port Arthur had fallen in January 1905. The 3rd Squadron also sailed via Suez and combined with the 2nd Squadron at Camranh Bay in Vietnam.   Admiral Tōgō Heihachirō on the bridge of the Battleship Mikasa by Tojo Shotaro, 1906. Source: Wikimedia Commons   After receiving new orders to head for Vladivostok, Rozhestvensky aimed to sail through the Straits of Tsushima between Korea and Japan. Admiral Tōgō Heihachirō had already anticipated the Russian movement towards Vladivostok and awaited Rozhestvensky near the port of Busan in the southeast of Korea.   The Russian fleet arrived on the late night of May 26, intending to use darkness as a cover, but were spotted by the Japanese in the early morning of May 27. The Russian ships, laden with coal, struggled to maneuver and fell prey to Japanese attacks. The Russian fleet was decimated at the Battle of Tsushima, with 21 ships sunk, six ships captured, and only three small ships making it to Vladivostok. Admiral Rozhestvensky and surviving members of the fleet command were taken prisoner.   Russia’s defeats during the Russo-Japanese War, culminating in the Battle of Tsushima, undermined Tsar Nicholas II’s government, which only survived the Revolution of 1905 by offering major political concessions in the October Manifesto. Russia returned Port Arthur and adjacent territories to Japan under the terms of the Treaty of Portsmouth brokered by US President Theodore Roosevelt in September.   Ironically, the demonstration of Russian weakness during the Russo-Japanese War ended its diplomatic isolation. In 1907, Great Britain and Russia signed the Anglo-Russian Entente to settle colonial disputes in Central Asia. Combined with the Franco-Russian alliance of 1894 and the Anglo-French Entente Cordiale of 1904, the agreement created the Triple Entente, one of the major factors leading to the First World War.

  You’ve likely heard the phrase, “Big is beautiful,” but there’s something undeniably special about small countries that hold rich histories and vibrant cultures. These miniature nations are packed with fascinating landmarks, unique traditions, and stunning landscapes that make them unforgettable destinations. Travelers often overlook these places, yet their size doesn’t diminish their charm but enhances it. Whether it’s medieval castles, pristine beaches, or well-preserved heritage, each of these countries offers an experience that is both intimate and extraordinary. Let’s explore some of the smallest and most historic countries you probably didn’t know about.   1. San Marino Cableway of San Marino and view of Borgo Maggiore. Source: Wikimedia Commons   San Marino, the world’s oldest republic, was founded in 301 AD and is entirely surrounded by Italy. Covering just 61 square kilometers, it is one of the smallest countries in the world. Despite its size, it has a rich history and a well-preserved medieval heritage.   Perched atop Mount Titano, its historic center and the mountain itself are UNESCO World Heritage Sites. When you’re there, you’ll have the chance to explore the Guaita, Cesta, and Montale towers, which once served as part of its defensive system. The Basilica di San Marino, dedicated to Saint Marinus, holds his relics and is a focal point of the republic’s religious life.   As for the Gothic-style Palazzo Pubblico, San Marino’s town hall, it remains the center of its government and a symbol of its independence.   2. Bhutan Bhutan mountains. Source: Wikimedia Commons   Bhutan, nestled in the Himalayas between India and China, is a small yet extraordinary kingdom known for its unique approach to development and deeply rooted traditions. Covering 38,394 square kilometers, it is home to breathtaking landscapes, from snow-capped mountains to lush valleys. Unlike most nations, Bhutan measures success through Gross National Happiness, a philosophy that prioritizes the well-being of its people over economic growth. The country has never been colonized, allowing it to preserve its rich Buddhist heritage and vibrant cultural practices.   You’ll be drawn to iconic sites like the Tiger’s Nest Monastery, precariously perched on a cliffside, and the ancient Punakha Dzong, a masterpiece of Bhutanese architecture. Festivals such as the colorful Paro Tsechu showcase traditional dance and music, where they offer a glimpse into its spiritual life.   Bhutan’s strict tourism policy ensures sustainable travel, making it one of the world’s most exclusive destinations.   3. Andorra View from the northern side of the Andorra la Vella, Andorra. Source: Wikimedia Commons   This is a tiny landlocked principality in the Pyrenees between Spain and France and is one of Europe’s hidden gems. Spanning just 468 square kilometers, it was established in 1278. Andorra operates as a co-principality, with its heads of state being the President of France and the Bishop of Urgell in Spain, a system that has endured for centuries.   Famed for its stunning alpine landscapes, Andorra is a paradise for outdoor enthusiasts. Its ski resorts, such as Grandvalira, attract visitors in winter, while hiking trails reveal breathtaking views during summer. The Romanesque architecture of its many churches, like Sant Joan de Caselles, will provide you with the information you need about its artistic and spiritual past.   Andorra’s capital, Andorra la Vella, combines modernity with tradition, offering tax-free shopping alongside cobblestone streets and historic buildings.   4. Monaco Aerial View of Monaco. Source: Flickr   Monaco, the second smallest country in the world at just 2.1 square kilometers, is a glittering enclave on the French Riviera. Famous for its luxury and glamour, it is a playground for the wealthy, but beneath its opulent façade lies a fascinating history of resilience and strategy.   Ruled by the Grimaldi family since 1297, Monaco has maintained its sovereignty through careful diplomacy and its status as a tax haven. Despite its size, it is a global hub for culture and sports, hosting prestigious events like the Monaco Grand Prix and the Monte Carlo Rally.   Beyond the yachts and casinos, Monaco offers a quieter side. The Rock of Monaco, home to the old town, features narrow streets, the Prince’s Palace, and the centuries-old Saint Nicholas Cathedral. The Oceanographic Museum, once directed by Jacques Cousteau, highlights Monaco’s deep connection to marine science.   5. Liechtenstein Vaduz Castle, Liechtenstein. Source: Wikimedia Commons   Liechtenstein, a picturesque microstate nestled between Switzerland and Austria, spans just 160 square kilometers but is packed with history and charm. Established as a principality in 1719, it remains one of the few countries in the world ruled by a monarchy, with the Prince of Liechtenstein residing in the striking Vaduz Castle perched above the capital.   Liechtenstein is a hub of culture and innovation. Its alpine landscapes are perfect for skiing, hiking, and cycling, while its compact towns host world-class museums like the Liechtenstein National Museum and the Kunstmuseum, which features an impressive collection of modern and contemporary art.   Liechtenstein’s economy thrives on its banking and manufacturing industries, which makes it one of the wealthiest nations per capita. Visitors often marvel at the blend of old-world traditions and modern prosperity.   6. Malta Valletta, Malta. Source: Pexels   This sun-soaked archipelago in the Mediterranean may be small, just 316 square kilometers, but its history stretches back thousands of years, making it a crossroads of civilizations. Its strategic location has drawn the attention of empires, from the Phoenicians and Romans to the Knights of St. John, whose legacy is most vividly seen in the fortified city of Valletta, a UNESCO World Heritage Site.   What sets Malta apart is its ancient roots. The megalithic temples of Ħaġar Qim and Mnajdra, dating back over 5,000 years, are older than the Pyramids of Giza and Stonehenge.   Malta’s dramatic coastline, with crystal-clear waters and hidden caves, attracts divers and adventurers, while festivals like the Mnarja showcase its unique mix of traditional music, food, and religion.   7. Luxembourg Luxembourg City, Luxembourg. Source: Flickr   Luxembourg, one of Europe’s smallest countries at 2,586 square kilometers, is a blend of ancient history and modern charm. Founded in 963 AD, it began as a fortified medieval town and grew into a key player in European culture and politics. Its capital, Luxembourg City, is famed for its historic fortifications and old quarters, recognized as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Today, Luxembourg is one of the most socially progressive countries in the world.   The Bock Casemates, an intricate network of tunnels carved into sandstone cliffs, showcase the city’s military past, while the Grand Ducal Palace exemplifies Renaissance architecture and remains the official residence of the Grand Duke. Outside the capital, Vianden Castle, a stunning medieval fortress, overlooks the scenic countryside and the quaint town below. The Notre-Dame Cathedral, with its Gothic Revival architecture and vibrant stained glass, reflects the nation’s religious heritage.   Luxembourg also offers natural beauty, with rolling hills, forests, and picturesque villages providing a peaceful escape.   8. Comoros Anjouan, Islands of Comoros. Source: Wikimedia Commons   Comoros, a small archipelago in the Indian Ocean, lies between Madagascar and the African mainland, covering just 2,235 square kilometers. Known as the “Perfume Islands” for its production of ylang-ylang and cloves, Comoros is a melting pot of African, Arab, and French influences, reflecting its history as a key stop along ancient trade routes.   The islands are a treasure trove of natural beauty and cultural heritage. The volcanic Mount Karthala, one of the world’s largest active volcanoes, dominates the main island, Grande Comore, offering adventurous hiking opportunities. The capital, Moroni, charms visitors with its winding medina streets, traditional Swahili architecture, and the iconic Old Friday Mosque overlooking the sea.   Despite being one of the least-visited countries in the world, Comoros captivates with its pristine beaches, turquoise waters, and vibrant coral reefs, perfect for snorkeling and diving.   9. Vatican City Aerial View of Vatican City, Italy. Source: Pexels   The smallest country in the world, at just 0.49 square kilometers, is an independent city-state nestled within Rome, Italy. As the spiritual and administrative center of the Roman Catholic Church, it holds immense religious and historical significance. Established in 1929 through the Lateran Treaty, it is home to the Pope and serves as the seat of the Holy See.   Visitors flock to Vatican City to marvel at its unparalleled treasures. St. Peter’s Basilica, with its awe-inspiring dome designed by Michelangelo, is one of the most iconic landmarks in the world. The Sistine Chapel, adorned with Michelangelo’s ceiling masterpiece, leaves viewers in awe of its artistic grandeur. The Vatican Museums house an extraordinary collection of art and artifacts spanning centuries of history and culture.   10. Timor-Leste (East Timor) Timor-Leste Coastline, East Timor. Source: Wikimedia Commons   Timor-Leste, or East Timor, is a small nation in Southeast Asia, covering 15,007 square kilometers. Situated on the eastern half of the island of Timor, it gained independence in 2002, making it one of the youngest countries in the world. Despite its turbulent history of colonial rule by Portugal and a prolonged struggle for independence from Indonesia, Timor-Leste has emerged as a nation with a rich cultural identity and breathtaking landscapes.   Its capital, Dili, is a blend of historic sites and modern growth, with landmarks like the Cristo Rei statue offering panoramic views of the coastline. The country’s Portuguese colonial past is evident in its architecture and language, while its indigenous traditions remain vibrant. The island is renowned for its stunning beaches, rugged mountains, and untouched coral reefs, making it a paradise for divers and nature enthusiasts.

  One of the 19th century’s most pivotal events, the Greek Revolution (or War of Independence), remains relatively unknown. What began as an uprising in March 1821 led to a decade of warfare and institutional creation. Greece emerged as one of Europe’s new nation-states, pioneering a pattern that defined the 19th and 20th centuries. Concepts that defined later conflicts, like public opinion, humanitarian intervention, and state building, appeared during the Greek Revolution. While marking a new beginning for Greece, it was a key step towards the end of the Ottoman Empire.   Ending the Ottoman Occupation  Greece on the ruins of Missolonghi, Eugene Delacroix, 1826. Source: Musée des Beaux-Arts de Bordeaux   By 1821 parts of the Greek world had lived under the Ottoman Empire for four centuries. As with life under any empire, the experience was uneven with some Greeks enjoying a privileged role as Ottoman officials and others struggling in subjectivity. Being Orthodox Christians the Greeks kept their faith and an administration that maintained a separate identity (Bialor, 2008, 478) but they were second-class citizens in a Muslim empire.   Several long-term trends resulted in the revolution at the start of the 19th century. In contrast to previous centuries, the Ottomans were clearly weakening in the 1800s. Regional separatism saw rebellions and breakaways in Albania, Egypt, and Serbia (Kostis, 2018, 25). Beyond the borders, the Russians were a particular menace and in a series of wars threatened the violent end of the empire.   Many Greeks had long looked to their fellow Orthodox Christians in Russia as potential liberators. Previous Greek revolts sought to coincide with Russian advances but these produced little benefit and came at a huge cost. However, the Greeks did benefit indirectly from Russian victories over the Ottomans. Commercial concessions to the Russians aided the growth of Greek shipping and spread merchant communities around the Black Sea. As well as generating wealth this created a Greek diaspora connected to the courts of Europe and intellectual trends. Greek traders and intellectuals transmitted elements of the European Enlightenment to the Balkans raising expectations. The coming of the French Revolution sparked new hopes.   Monument marking the site of the execution of Rigas Feraios in 1798, Belgrade. Source: Neil Middleton   One man who tried to capitalize on the revolutionary moment of the 1790s was the protomartyr of the Greek Revolution, Rigas Feraios. A merchant from central Greece active in Vienna, Rigas translated the ideas of the French Revolution for the Balkans and promoted a vision of a multi-ethnic republic ousting the Ottoman Sultan. Rigas was betrayed and handed over for execution to the Ottomans before he could put his plans into motion. However, two decades after his death a combination of Ottoman weaknesses, the growing power of European states, Greek development, and the spread of Enlightenment and revolutionary ideas created the movement for Greek liberation.   The Uprising of 1821  Georgios Karaiskakis, Greek fighter, Christian Johann Georg Perlberg. Source: Philhellenism Museum   Having failed to find a liberator from the outside in 1821 the Greeks took the initiative and fought for their own liberation.   At the time, Greek communities were found around the Balkans and Asia Minor with a diaspora extending much further. Among this diaspora, the first moves to prepare for the revolution were made. In 1814 a secret revolutionary society, the Filiki Eteria (Friendly Society), was founded in the Ukrainian city of Odessa. Though never more than a thousand members, this society promoted the idea of a Greek revolt and started preparations. A Greek in Russian service, Alexandros Ypsilantis, headed the society and crossed the Russian border into Ottoman lands to raise the flag of revolution in early 1821. This invasion floundered in modern Romania amidst a lack of support and poor leadership but sent the signal for more promising efforts elsewhere.   March 25th is still celebrated every year as the beginning of the revolution, though attacks on Ottoman positions began the week before. The Peloponnese in southern Greece was the heartland of this revolt and Ottoman forces in the peninsula were quickly confined to several fortresses. Uprisings spread from Crete and Cyprus to northern Greece but many were suppressed and the insurgent area was reduced to the Peloponnese, central Greece, and the Aegean islands by 1822.   The Greek insurgents were mostly formed out of armed groups known as klephts and armatoloi who during the Ottoman occupation had been outlaws and militia respectively. Men like Markos Botsaris, Theodoros Kolokotronis, and Georgios Karaiskakis were skilled leaders of these irregular soldiers Between 1821-1823 the insurgents enjoyed considerable success. Ottoman positions were overrun in 1821 and a large army was trapped and defeated in the mountains in 1822 as Ottoman counter-offensives failed. On the sea too the insurgents were successful. An outmatched and outgunned Greek navy of converted merchantmen and pirate ships disrupted the Ottoman navy and destroyed several ships in daring raids.   Massacres accompanied the battles. When the town of Tripoli fell to the Greeks in 1821 as many as 8,000 Muslims and Jews were murdered (Beaton, 2019, 82). In one of the war’s most infamous incidents, the Ottomans killed tens of thousands on the island of Chios and sold more into slavery in the following year (Brewer, 2001).   In the first three years of the revolution, the insurgents liberated several islands and most of central and southern Greece. They had done it with minimal outside support and after fending off several Ottoman responses. The next question was what the Greeks would do with their liberated territory.   Building a State and Civil War  Scenes of the Massacre on Chios, Eugene Delacroix, 1824. Source: Musée du Louvre   The question of what would replace the Ottomans in the free territories was difficult to answer. There had never been a large-scale independent Greek political entity and few had experience of anything beyond local politics. Freedom from an oppressive empire, a growing sense of national identity, and a religious war pitting Christians against Muslims united a range of social groups. At the same time, religious affiliation was not always enough to determine which side someone joined and local identities, different languages, and class tensions meant that a collective identity had to be forged. Removing Ottoman control was one of the only common goals.   Broadly the leadership of 1821 can be divided into three main groups; Primates, Captains, and Westernizers (Brewer, 2001, 127). The Primates as the local landholding Greek elite were previously part of the Ottoman administration and tax collection system (Petropoulos, 1968, 28). A continuation of the Ottoman system, with only themselves now at the top, would have satisfied many Primates. The Captains had considerable support from the general population having lived as folkloric outlaws in the mountains under the Ottomans.  They were not now willing to surrender their independence lightly and their own local identity and interests frequently determined their actions. The Westernizers brought with them strong connections to Western Europe and Russia having lived as merchants, diplomats, and administrators around the continent. They were prominent among those proposing the creation of a centralized state in Greece similar to those growing in Europe.   Episode from the Greek War of Independence, Eugene Delacroix, 1856. Source: National Gallery, Athens   Creating an entirely new state in wartime conditions and amid significant social divisions was not straightforward. Quickly a provisional government declared Greece’s independence and drafted a constitution. The creation of this central state, while a necessary act to communicate with the outside world, increased political tensions. The new country fell into bouts of civil war in 1824 and 1825 pitting the nascent central state against local interests and military leaders. While the course of events was tending to strengthen the position of the central state these divisions were never fully overcome as the threat of an Ottoman return intervened in 1825 and brought the revolution to its moment of crisis.   International Intervention  Solace, Theodoros Vryzakis, 1847. Source: The National Gallery, Athens   The Greek Revolution was from the start an international cause and crisis, a factor which would prove to be decisive.   The 1820s were an inauspicious time to launch a revolution. The Napoleonic Wars had only ended in 1815 and the conservative victors wished to preserve the balance of power established at the Congress of Vienna guaranteeing any insurgents a cold reception. Having started the revolution the Greeks found themselves largely isolated as support from western Europe and Russia was lacking.   In contrast to the hostility of governments, the revolution received a warm reception among the peoples of Europe. For generations, the elite of Europe, and an increasing part of the population, had grown up with the history and art of ancient Greece drilled into their imagination. The sudden emergence of a fight for freedom in those same lands held an irresistible appeal.   The movement to support Greece, philhellenism, was an early example of a modern, successful, international solidarity campaign. The Greek cause was promoted and defended and money was raised across Europe and America with Germany, France, and Britain at the forefront. In a precursor of the famous International Brigades of the Spanish Civil War a century later a steady flow of individuals made their way to Greece to volunteer for the fight. The most prominent arrival was the celebrated poet Lord Byron whose death in the town of Missolonghi in 1824 made him a martyr of the revolution and brought renewed attention to Greece.   War-torn Greece could never match the vision of perfection these volunteers held and their enthusiasm and idealism rarely brought practical results. However, this groundswell of public opinion contributed to shifting the attitude of the Great Powers, especially when the Ottomans carried out massacres such as on the island of Chios. The loans arranged by the philhellenic London Greek Committee in 1824 and 1825 were of dubious practical benefit but they contributed to the recognition of Greece as a new political entity.   The Reception of Lord Byron at Missolonghi, 1861, Theodoros Vryzakis. Source: The National Gallery, Athens   The longer the Greeks kept fighting the more the position of the Great Powers shifted. Their initial reluctance to back a revolution was placed against the possibility of allowing the Ottomans a free hand to carry out reprisals. The more likely it became that someone would intervene the more each Great Power could not stay away for fear of a rival gaining influence.   The moment of crisis came when Sultan Mahmud II called on Egyptian support and a French-trained Egyptian army and navy reached Greece in 1825. The divided Greeks put up renewed resistance, most famously at Missolonghi which fell after a heroic defense in 1826. However, the insurgents soon faced defeat.   Unwilling to allow the Greeks to be crushed a combined British, Russian, and French fleet entered the war. This early form of humanitarian intervention proved decisive as the combined fleet sunk the Ottoman navy in the last great clash of the age of sail at the battle of Navarino in 1827 guaranteeing that a Greek defeat would not be permitted (Simos, 2021, 347).   The Emergence of the Greek State The Battle of Navarino, 20th October 1827, George Phillip Reinagle, 1828. Source: National Maritime Museum   The Battle of Navarino ensured the Greeks would not be crushed but the eventual shape of a future Greece remained unclear.   The persistent divisions between local and personal interests and an emerging central state returned with the rule of Ioannis Kapodistrias. After a distinguished career in the Russian diplomatic service, Kapodistrias had a high profile in Europe. Though keeping a distance from the early stages of the revolution he was elected head of state, Governor, and arrived in January 1828 earning him the reputation of the first leader of the new Greek state.   With the war still ongoing Kapodistrias set about building state institutions. He began the construction of an education system, created a national bank and Greece’s first currency, and used a reformed military to expand the borders. However, his personal rule required a degree of authoritarianism and setting aside the new constitution. After clashing with a powerful family he was assassinated in the first capital of Greece, Nafplio, in 1831.   The Exodus from Missolonghi, Theodoros Vryzakis, 1853. Source: The National Gallery, Athens   Kapodistrias’s death threatened more instability but by this point, the future of Greece started to become clearer. The war with the Ottomans ended in 1829 with a Greek victory at the Battle of Petra. In the years following Navarino the Great Powers issued a series of decisions which first granted Greece a degree of autonomy before upgrading this in 1830 to full independence.   In 1832 the Great Powers agreed amongst themselves that this new Greece would be a kingdom ruled by a carefully chosen member of European royalty. The Powers, of course, would be responsible for the choice. Having lived through a decade of war and faction fighting, enough people in Greece were willing to accept the choice and so the Greece that emerged from the revolution in 1833 was the Kingdom of Greece under King Otto, a Bavarian prince.   A Successful Revolution, an Uncertain Future The Reception of King Otho of Greece at Nafplion, Nikolaos Ferekidis, 1900, Benaki Museum. Source: Neil Middleton   Having risen up in unfavourable circumstances in 1821 the achievement of liberation from the Ottoman Empire and an independent state was remarkable.   Many of the issues raised during the revolution remained unresolved and would shape Greek life for decades. This new Greece was only a part of the Greek world. It would take more than a century for the state to reach its current borders and in the process, the Greek world which once spread across the Mediterranean was reduced to a state on the Aegean coast.   The new king faced revolutions demanding, first, a constitution, and then his overthrow in 1843 and 1862. The need to fund the war effort and the new state created a dependence on foreign loans which were given on predatory terms and could not be repaid. Defaults and isolation from capital markets followed. A centralised state did emerge but it was weak and poor and often the vehicle of an elite. While the revolution was undoubtedly a success it set in motion a pattern of state crises which two hundred years later is yet to be fully resolved.   Suggested Further Reading   Bialor, Perry A., “Chapter 2, Greek Ethnic Survival Under Ottoman Domination” (2008). Research Report 09: The Limits of Integration:Ethnicity and Nationalism in Modern Europe. 1. Kostis, Kostas. History’s Spoiled Children: The Formation of the Modern Greek State (2018). tr. Moe, Jacob. Hurst. London Beaton, Roderick. Greece: The Biography of a Modern Nation (2019) University of Chicago Press. Chicago Brewer, David. The Greek War of Independence: The Struggle for Freedom from Ottoman Oppression (2001) Overlook Press. Woodstock Petropoulos, John. Politics and Statecraft in the Kingdom of Greece 1833-1843 (1968). Princeton University Press. Princeton Simos, Nikitas. The emergence of a state: Greece 1821-1832: The ambitions of the Powers and the will of the people (2021). Papazissis Publishers. Athens

  Immediately after achieving independence, Angola was plunged into a devastating 26-year-long conflict. The many independence movements that once fought for the country’s freedom turned on each other and tore Angola apart in the pursuit of power. In the midst of the Cold War, the conflict gained the attention of numerous world powers, whose intervention further worsened the bloodshed. The following 26 years of fighting made the Angolan Civil War one of the deadliest wars in African History.   The Loss of a Common Enemy Agostinho Neto, founder and leader of the MPLA, 1975. Source: Wikimedia Commons   For 13 years, Angola had been locked in a bloody independence war against the country’s Portuguese colonialists. Under Portuguese rule, Angolans had been subjected to forced labor and exploitation. But now, invigorated with African nationalism, three separate Angolan independence movements were fighting for the nation’s freedom.   The first of these movements was the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), which followed a Marxist-Leninist ideology. The movement’s core support comprised the Ambundu ethnic group, led by Agostinho Neto.   The second was the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA), which was center-right politically, strongly anti-communist, and formed from the Kongo ethnic group.   Finally, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) was a left-wing movement that adopted Maoism and was led by Jonas Savimbi. However, Savimbi would later denounce his Maoist position and portray himself as an anti-communist figure, likely in hopes of gaining greater support from the US.   Despite the long struggle of the Angolan people for independence, events in Portugal resulted in the country’s freedom. On April 25, 1974, Portuguese troops overthrew Portugal’s authoritarian regime during the Carnation Revolution.   The new Portuguese government quickly entered negotiations with the various Angolan parties to discuss the end of the war. Together, they signed the Alvor Agreement in January 1975, which established a transitional government comprising the MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA in preparation for Angola’s full independence on November 11, 1975.   However, the MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA, with their drastically different political views and ethnic backgrounds, held little trust in one another. With Portugal’s withdrawal, the inevitable power vacuum created questions of who would inevitably control Angola.   Increasing Foreign Intervention President Ronald Reagan (left) with UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi (right) at the White House, 1986. Source: Wikimedia Commons   By the mid-1970s, the world was held in the icy grip of the Cold War. As the United States and the Soviet Union struggled for global dominance, many regions of the developing world became their battleground. With the future of Angola riddled with uncertainty, it would also garner the attention of the global superpowers.   The Soviet Union saw an opportunity in Angola to create a friendly ally and help spread communism in the region. Due to their Marxist-Leninist ideology, the MPLA became the Soviet Union’s beneficiary. It is reported that the MPLA would receive millions of dollars worth of Soviet weapons.   Fearing the possibility of communism establishing itself in Angola, the US opted to support the FNLA. However, the US would not solely commit to the FNLA’s cause. In an attempt to avoid an MPLA victory at all costs, the US would also agree to support UNITA. Zaire, whose leader Mobutu, a staunch US ally and committed anti-communist, also wanted a friendly regime on its western border. Mobutu would send 1,200 Zairian troops to support the FNLA.   Eager to step outside the Soviet Union’s shadow, the emerging Maoist China wanted to establish itself as a global power. In 1975, China sent 112 military advisors and 450 tons of arms to support the FNLA.   Fidel Castro (center) with Agostinho Neto (right) during a visit to Angola, 1977. Source: Fidel Soldado de las Ideas   South Africa was also concerned over which faction would control Angola. The apartheid state lent its support to UNITA and dispatched a significant force of troops to Angola.   Finally, Cuba believed Africa was fertile ground to propagate the spread of communism. Fidel Castro provided significant support to the MPLA, dispatching a number of military advisors and establishing training camps to train MPLA forces in guerrilla tactics.   Due to the staggering amount of foreign intervention in Angolan affairs, the three Angolan movements became increasingly militarized throughout 1975. As the movements strengthened in power, their mistrust for one another was further exacerbated. Foreign intervention fanned the flames of war in Angola, which would soon engulf the nation.   Early Violent Clashes  Luanda, the capital of Angola, before the civil war commenced, 1970. Source: Wikimedia Commons   Violent clashes erupted in the capital city of Luanda in March 1975 between forces of the MPLA and FNLA. Attacks and counter attacks occurred daily for months. By June, approximately 5,000 people had been killed. The following month, the MPLA had successfully forced the FNLA out of the capital.   Fearing that the MPLA would quickly consolidate its control of Luanda, and thus Angola, South Africa sent 1,500 troops into Angola to support both the FNLA and UNITA. With the added South African support, the FNLA was able to quickly gain significant territory in the country’s southeast. Zaire also sent approximately 1,000 troops in support of the FNLA.   With the sudden invasion of South African forces into Angola, Cuba acted decisively to support the MPLA and launched an audacious intervention supported by some 18,000 Cuban troops.   Cuban tank crew in Angola. Source: Cuba Debate   The war’s first major battle took place on November 10, 1975. FNLA forces supported by South African and Zairian troops attacked MPLA and Cuban positions near the town of Quifangondo. After a disorganized preliminary attack, FNLA and supporting forces became trapped and under heavy fire. They suffered significant losses and were forced into retreat despite entering the battle with almost three times as many men as the MPLA.   Merely hours after the Battle of Quifangondo, Agostinho Neto, leader of the MPLA, declared Angola’s independence from Portuguese control. The MPLA’s decisive early victory allowed them to consolidate their control of Luanda and designated themselves as the de facto leadership of Angola.   Facing an insurmountable opponent in the MPLA and their Cuban allies, the FNLA and UNITA formed an alliance in November 1975.   The 1977 MPLA Coup and Purge Nito Alves, Angolan Interior Minister. Source: TCHIWEKA Documentation Association   By the late 1970s, fighting in Angola had become relatively sporadic. The majority of foreign forces had withdrawn from the country, with the exception of Cuban troops.   During this period, Nito Alves, the Angolan Interior Minister, had become a powerful member of the MPLA and wielded a large base of support within the organization known as Nitistas. Agostinho Neto became increasingly suspicious of Alves’s intentions, especially following Alves’s visit to the Soviet Union.   Neto attempted to weaken Alves’s position by abolishing the interior ministry. In response, Alves attempted a coup with the intention of arresting Neto during a meeting and installing himself as leader of the MPLA. However, his plan was foiled when the location of the meeting was changed at the last minute.   Soon after, the MPLA voted to dismiss Alves. However, a brigade of MPLA soldiers loyal to Alves attempted a coup of their own. They attacked a prison hoping to free several imprisoned Nitistas and captured a radio station to announce their coup to the Angolan people. However, the coup was subsequently quashed by Cuban forces.   In the aftermath of the attempted coup, the MPLA launched a horrific purge of Nitistas. Nito Alves was executed by a firing squad. Amnesty International suggests as many as 30,000 people were killed in the purge orchestrated by the MPLA and Cuban forces.   In 1979, Agostinho Neto died of cancer at the age of 56. The MPLA elected José Eduardo dos Santos as his successor.   The Battle of Cuito Cuanavale Cuban forces stationed in Angola. Source: Misiones Diplomaticas de Cuba   During the 1980s, foreign intervention in Angola once again intensified. The Soviet Union sent billions of dollars worth of arms to the MPLA, in addition to an increasing number of Cuban troops stationed in the country. Jonas Savimbi of UNITA successfully consolidated closer relations with the US and was invited to the White House in 1986 to meet President Ronald Reagan.   The bolstered forces engaged each other in 1987 at the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale. Lasting for several months, the battle was the largest conventional battle on the African continent since the Second World War. It began when UNITA and South African forces defeated a significant offensive of MPLA forces. However, their planned counteroffensive was met with resolute resistance by the MPLA and Cuban troops in the town of Cuito Cuanavale. The defending forces repelled numerous South African-devised offensive operations.   There is much contest over the battle’s outcome and significance. However, most neutral observers argue that the battle ended in a stalemate yet still had dramatic consequences for the war and the wider region. In the aftermath of the battle, representatives of the MPLA, Cuba, and South Africa met in New York and signed the Tripartite Accord on December 22, 1988.   The peace treaty ended the direct involvement of South African and Cuban forces in Angola and granted independence to Namibia. Many also argue that the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale contributed to the eventual downfall of the apartheid regime in South Africa. Nelson Mandela thanked Cuban leader Fidel Castro during a visit to Cuba in 1991, stating that the defeat of South African forces at Cuito Cuanavale “destroyed the myth of the invincibility of the white oppressor.”   The Halloween Massacre José Eduardo dos Santos (left) and Jonas Savimbi (right) at the signing of the Bicesse Accords, 1991. Source: Ver Angola   With the withdrawal of foreign forces from Angola, the intensity of fighting had reduced by the early 1990s. Despite this, Savimbi continued to lobby support from the US and met President George H.W. Bush on yet another visit to the White House. Meanwhile, the MPLA officially abandoned Marxism-Leninism as its official party doctrine.   In 1991, dos Santos and Savimbi met in Lisbon to discuss the potential of peace. Together, they signed the Bicesse Accords, which proposed a transition of Angola toward a multi-party democracy and the integration of UNITA into the Angolan Armed Forces.   The first presidential election in Angolan history took place in 1992. Dos Santos achieved 49% of the vote, compared to Savimbi’s 40%. However, Savimbi rejected the results, claiming the election had been rigged, and vowed to reignite his armed struggle.   As Angola’s hopes of democracy died, violence erupted. The new Angolan government of the MPLA and its supporters viciously attacked UNITA supporters. It is reported that government forces killed civilians and buried them in mass graves. An estimated 10,000 civilians were killed within a few days in what is now known as the Halloween Massacre.   Savimbi Continues His Armed Struggle Jonas Savimbi on a visit to Washington DC, 1990. Source: Wikimedia Commons   Following the resumption of the conflict, UNITA quickly regained control of significant swathes of Angolan territory. Although, they were quickly pushed back by government forces. The two years of fighting following the 1992 election were the most intense and bloody of the war so far, with civilians being increasingly targeted by both UNITA and the government. Some estimates suggest that as many as 120,000 people were killed within two years.   Another attempt at peace was made in 1994 with the signing of the Lusaka Protocol. Similar to the Bicesse Accords, the Lusaka Protocol attempted to implement a ceasefire and eventually integrate UNITA forces into the Angolan Armed Forces. It also promised positions in the Angolan government for high-ranking UNITA members. However, the continuing distrust resulted in the Protocol quickly being abandoned.   UNITA continued to fight despite facing increasing pressure from government forces. It is believed that UNITA could continue fighting for so long due to its control of Angola’s diamond mines. Reportedly, UNITA earned billions of dollars through the illicit sale of diamonds throughout the course of the war.   On February 22, 2002, Jonas Savimbi was killed during a clash against government forces. With his death, UNITA had lost its founder and patriarch and the driving force behind their continued struggle. Savimbi’s appointed successor was also injured during the same clash and died just 12 days later.   The new UNITA leadership agreed to an immediate ceasefire, demobilized UNITA’s armed forces, and transformed the organization into a political party. After 26 years of bloodshed, the Angolan Civil War was over.   Angolan Civil War: Aftermath and Legacy João Lourenço, current President of Angola, 2022. Source: Embassy of Angola   It is estimated that the Angolan Civil War resulted in the deaths of around one million people and displaced a further four million people. The fighting significantly crippled much of the country’s infrastructure. As a result, the vast majority of the population did not have access to clean water by the end of the war.   To this day, the MPLA and UNITA remain the two largest political parties in Angola, though the MPLA has always maintained control of the country. In 2017, dos Santos retired as President of Angola, having been in power for 38 years. He was replaced by João Lourenço.   Angola is one of the world’s largest oil-producing nations, and its diamonds have made it one of the world’s fastest-growing economies. As a result, the capital, Luanda, has experienced substantial development and is often ranked as one of the most expensive cities for expatriates to live in. However, Angola’s economic development has been highly unequal. As of 2021, it is estimated that just under half of Angola’s population lives in extreme poverty.   The Angolan Civil War was one of the largest and most devastating proxy wars provoked by the Cold War. It is a devastating representation of how the rivalry between global superpowers can escalate and prolong conflicts to the detriment of vulnerable states and peoples.

There’s a raft of Yuletide tunes by the Seattle titans to see you through the festive period

From the cosmic death exploration of Blood Incantation to the welcome return of Nails and Job For A Cowboy, these are the 10 albums that defined death metal in 2024