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Too complex. The post The Genesis album Peter Gabriel never understood: “Who the fuck knows?” first appeared on Far Out Magazine.

On Sept. 19, 2025, a protest outside the ICE Broadview Processing Center in suburban Chicago escalated from chants to confrontation. Demonstrators blocked access roads, vandalized federal vehicles, and clashed with agents. Seventeen protesters were arrested in the first week, and within days a perimeter fence went up — not to hold detainees inside, but to protect federal officers from fellow citizens. The image was striking: a government fortifying itself against its own people in order to carry out the law. At the heart of the standoff were not families awaiting asylum hearings. They were men whose names were already in local court records. The Department of Homeland Security released details on several detainees then inside Broadview: Erwin Jose Roa-Mustafa, guilty of fentanyl distribution; Carlos Eduardo Chavez-Cardenas, convicted of drug possession and DUI; and Alberto Algeria Barron, deported once before after two domestic battery cases. These are not paperwork errors. They are criminal convictions. Yet the protests framed these men as victims, as if ICE custody erased the harm of past violence and trafficking. That inversion reflects the logic of sanctuary politics in Illinois and beyond. In Broadview, ICE officers became the villains, while individuals with serious criminal records were recast as sympathetic figures. Illinois’ TRUST Act and Chicago’s Welcoming City ordinance restrict cooperation with federal immigration enforcement across the board, regardless of whether the subject is a day laborer with no record or a repeat abuser. The stated rationale is “community trust.” The reality is that by refusing to distinguish between cases, the law shields those who have already broken that trust. The numbers tell part of the story. In fiscal year 2019, ICE reported that more than 90 percent of those it arrested had convictions or pending charges. By 2023, that figure had dropped to 43 percent. Independent trackers such as TRAC Syracuse now estimate that a majority of ICE detainees have no criminal convictions. But Broadview shows why the statistics don’t settle the matter. When sanctuary jurisdictions refuse cooperation categorically, repeat offenders and traffickers end up shielded alongside the harmless. Those consequences are playing out now. In September 2025, as part of Operation Midway Blitz, DHS identified cases where Cook County Jail refused ICE detainers for individuals with serious records. Among those later arrested by federal officers was a Tren de Aragua gang member picked up for burglary, a man convicted of aggravated unlawful use of a weapon and domestic battery, and several repeat offenders with multiple DUIs and illegal reentry charges. All had been released despite ICE requests, only to be taken back into custody days later. DHS warned bluntly that sanctuary rules were “shielding individuals who present a clear danger to the public.” That is not a stale case dredged up for effect. It is Chicago in 2025. The legal backdrop is clear. The Supreme Court’s ruling in United States v. California established that Washington cannot commandeer local police to enforce civil immigration law. Federal courts have upheld Illinois’ right to bar its officers from holding people on ICE detainers, most recently in July 2025 when a judge dismissed the Justice Department’s challenge to the state’s sanctuary policies. But sovereignty cuts both ways. If the federal government cannot force compliance, then cities that refuse to cooperate must also own the consequences. It is one thing to shield otherwise law-abiding undocumented residents. It is another to shield men already convicted of violence or trafficking. The defenders of Broadview insist they are protecting the vulnerable. But the truly vulnerable are not the men shielded from deportation. They are the women endangered by abusers who never should have been released. They are the families who lose loved ones to repeat drunk drivers. They are the neighbors who see someone deported once for assault reappear because no one wanted the political risk of cooperation. The question Broadview forces is not whether America should have compassion. It is whether compassion can coexist with order. A society that cannot remove known offenders is not compassionate; it is indifferent. A city that shields them is not protecting the vulnerable; it is protecting itself from hard choices. Broadview showed, in real time, what happens when slogans take the place of triage. We can keep debating asylum pathways and immigration reform. But if we cannot agree that repeat violent offenders and traffickers should not be protected, then our fight is no longer about immigration at all. It is about whether laws mean what they say. Broadview proved the point no activist will admit: If the law no longer applies to the guilty, then it no longer protects the innocent. That isn’t justice. That’s sanctuary — for criminals, not for citizens. READ MORE: The Human Ledger: How Cartels Reduce Migrant Women to Line Items of Profit The New H-1B Tax: An Exercise in Crony Capitalism The Horrific Immigration Scandal We Need to Talk More About

The Democratic Party is in crisis. In November, they lost the Senate, failed to retake the House, and lost the presidential popular vote for the first time in two decades. Long-term trends don’t look much better. Trump grew his support among reliably blue voting blocs like Hispanics, black Americans, and young white men. Between 2020 and 2024, every one of the 30 states that track party affiliation showed a shift in registrations toward the GOP, adding up to 4.5 million voters nationally. The 2026 Senate map looks awful for Democrats, offering just three plausible pickup opportunities. Even if they beat Susan Collins in Maine, flip Thom Tillis’ seat in North Carolina, and pull off a long-shot victory in Ohio, that still leaves Republicans with 50 seats and Vice President JD Vance as the tie-breaking vote. And that’s assuming the Democrats manage to hold the line in Michigan and Georgia. The House math doesn’t look much better. California’s best efforts won’t be able to offset GOP redistricting campaigns in Texas, Florida, Indiana, Ohio, and Missouri, which will probably leave the party with a net gain of around half a dozen seats. Amid the wreckage of their electoral hopes, Democrats have seized on a single piece of driftwood: Trump’s so-called “dipping” approval rating on the economy. Democrats just watched economic malaise sweep the Biden–Harris administration out of office. Now they’re hoping the same thing will happen to President Trump. Unfortunately for them, he is in a far stronger economic position than the approval numbers suggest. Inflation under Biden peaked at a whopping 9.1 percent, and overall price increases during his term topped 21 percent. Trump, by contrast, has kept inflation under 3 percent since returning to office, just like he did for the entirety of his first term. Voters remain frustrated by the economy because they’re still paying the price for Biden’s inflationary spending spree, which he tried to distract from by blaming a series of scapegoats for the cost of living crisis. These included Vladimir Putin, greedy meatpackers, and even Visa. Biden’s Justice Department sued the company over its alleged monopoly on debit transactions, even though no monopoly or anti-consumer activity existed — Visa had a market share of just 60 percent and plenty of competitors — and the fees themselves were miniscule. Over time, poll respondents’ frustration with President Trump is likely to diminish. Polls suggest Americans are already feeling less pain at the pump and the grocery store, and wage growth is consistently outpacing inflation. These gains haven’t gotten the U.S. economy out of the hole Biden put it in just yet, but everything’s trending in the right direction. Democrats also see low job creation numbers as a good sign for their 2026 prospects. They’re especially thrilled about job losses in manufacturing, since these supposedly prove that Trump has failed the working-class voters who elected him. In fact, these job numbers are nothing to worry about, since Biden-era job growth was almost entirely an illusory “sugar high” driven by mass illegal migration. “Yes, you can generate higher employment and GDP figures by handing work permits to whomever crosses the border,” economist Oren Cass explained. “You can achieve a similar effect by legalizing heroin and asking all dealers to fill out their W-2s. In neither case will you have improved the nation’s long-term economic prospects or the well-being of the typical American household.” Job growth looks slow because the decline in employment for foreign-born workers — driven by strict immigration enforcement and voluntary departures — offsets significant gains for native-born Americans. Mass deportations also explain reduced employment in manufacturing, a sector in which illegal immigrants are overrepresented. Economic growth as a whole also looks strong. The Commerce Department just revised GDP growth in the second quarter of 2025 from 3.3 percent to 3.8 percent, and the Federal Reserve’s recent rate cut will likely drive growth even higher in the coming months. Much of the economic anxiety these polls are registering is probably a response to Trump’s tariffs. He’s trying something new, and that always makes people a little jumpy. Once again, though, time should smooth those ruffled feathers. The stock market is still cooking, which suggests that institutional investors aren’t worried. Trump’s muscular trade policies have already secured trillions of dollars in new investments and opened new foreign markets to U.S. goods. And despite the liberal media’s pushing of endless sob stories about mom-and-pop stores that can no longer import cheap parts and products, small business confidence just hit its highest level since 2017. The midterms are still more than a year away. By that time, wage growth will have undone more of the harm caused by Bidenflation, voters will have gotten past their tariff jitters, and Trump’s economic approval rating will be back in the positives. If economic anxiety is the best pitch Democrats have in 2026, they’re headed for certain defeat. Michael Glassner, the President of C&M Transcontinental LLC, served as Chief Operating Officer and Deputy Campaign Manager for Donald J. Trump for President Inc. in the 2016 and 2020 campaigns and was a Senior Advisor on the 2024 campaign. He is one of the longest serving executives in modern presidential campaign history and has had senior roles in seven presidential campaigns.

It cost $2.2 billion, gorged itself on nearly 3,500 acres of the Mojave Desert, roasted birds, threatened indigenous tortoises, blinded pilots, and from both the air and the ground appears as an ugly scar on the landscape. It’s still there, but soon, instead of doing the job it was intended to do, it will become a monument to ineptitude, reckless aspiration, and government waste. What is “it”? It is the Ivanpah Solar Power Facility just off Interstate 15 in San Bernardino County in Southern California. At least two of its three units are scheduled to close next year because the project never lived up to the hype. The third might not be far behind. This might come as a surprise to David Crane, president and CEO of NRG Energy, one of the site’s owners. He was sure 15 years ago that Ivanpah would capitalize “on California’s natural solar resource and demand for renewable energy,” as well as show “how far we have come in scaling up solar generation and in deploying cutting-edge American technology.” The solar farm, which uses concentrated thermal technology (that relies on hundreds of thousands of mirrors and a bit of smoke to produce electricity) rather than photovoltaic panels, was cranked up in December 2013 and was expected to operate for 25 years. But its actual lifecycle will be only about half of that. Pacific Gas & Electric, which has contracts on two of three units, announced in January that it plans to back out of its agreement 14 years early. The utility said it had “determined that ending the agreements at this time will save customers money compared to the cost of keeping them through 2039.” Southern California Edison, which operates the third unit, is in discussions to buy out its contract. Going into the contract, PG&E was searching for “efficient and affordable technologies to reduce the need for greenhouse gas-emitting fossil fuels.” It found neither. The promise was Ivanpah would produce one million megawatt-hours of power a year, yet it averaged only about 70 percent of that. In 2016, the Wall Street Journal reported that power from the plants cost about $200 a megawatt-hour that summer, compared to the average solar price of $57, and $35 for power from California natural gas plants. Regulation capped natural gas use at 5 percent, but in reality, 30 percent of its generation was produced by a fossil fuel. The plant also caught fire and one of its towers had to be shut down in 2016 after sunlight directed by a misaligned mirror burned through electrical wiring. “The collapse of Ivanpah illustrates the danger of letting politics rather than markets dictate energy choices,” says Jason Isaac, founder and chief executive of the American Energy Institute. “For years, policymakers propped up an unproven technology with subsidies and mandates, only to see it collapse under its own weight,” he said. “Meanwhile, traditional fuels continued to deliver affordable power without subsidies. That should tell us something about what’s truly sustainable.” The failure of Ivanpah, according to Isaac, should force policymakers to reckon “with the idea that government can engineer prosperity through energy mandates.” The future of American energy security is not “green” experiments that are politically favored, he said, “but in unleashing the full potential of oil, natural gas, coal, and nuclear.” One of Ivanpah’s primary drawbacks is its inability to compete with power produced by photovoltaic solar panel farms. A better comparison, though, is nuclear, a renewable resource that is truly green. Only one nuclear plant remains in California, in San Luis Obispo County’s Diablo Canyon. It has been generating safe, clean, and reliable energy since 1985. On just 750 acres, about a fifth of the size of Ivanpah, the twin reactors produce 18 million megawatt hours of power a year, roughly 8 to 9 percent of the state’s power generation, enough to keep 3 million out of the dark, and nearly a fourth of its carbon-free electricity. Perfectly in line with California’s antipathy toward energy sources that work and are affordable, the Diablo Canyon facility was scheduled to be shut down. But lawmakers realized that doing so would be hasty, and they not only delayed the closure and asked for federal dollars to keep it open, they decided it was a good idea to require the Public Utilities Commission “to adopt a plan to increase the procurement of electricity generated from nuclear facilities” on or before Jan. 1, 2028. Maybe it’s dawning on Sacramento that nuclear energy is exactly what it wants: renewable, carbon-free, and available 24 hours a day. Kerry Jackson is the William Clement Fellow in California Reform at the Pacific Research Institute, and co-author of The California Left Coast Survivor’s Guide. Image licensed under CC BY 2.0.

'Todd Blanche is blocking Trump's agenda at DOJ,' says former Trump attorney Peter Ticktin.