California and New York continue to lose residents at a rapid clip. I’m a conservative millennial who abhors the current political trajectory of those states, but here’s my predicament: I was raised in one and recently moved to the other. I love them both. Beyond politics, or beneath it, is the beauty of American soil and spirit. I started out in New York – not the fast-paced, hot-dog selling Big Apple. We’re talking Western New York: wood burning, church going, buy-your-food-from-Amish country. It’s a rugged breed of people. Icy walks to the car each morning for twelve weeks of the year will thicken anyone’s skin. (READ MORE: The Blue State Rescue Plan) And yet, the fabric I’m cut from is soft. My childhood brimmed with the hard-working and kind: dairy farmers carrying on their parents’ trade, auto mechanics who somehow manage to make a living on affordable and honest service. The landscape mirrored this resilience: a hillside of historical homes standing boldly a mere feet from each other, sycamores and maples providing shade for passing walkers. The political tapestry of Upstate New York is a weave, but my childhood backdrop had a distinct conservative thread, largely due to the circles in which my family operated. Thus, my New York is a dichotomy: liberal in the sweeping but not in the specific. So many New Yorkers are laid-back people who just want to blow glass or grow tomatoes in peace. The Albany agenda weighs little upon small town life. Sure, we all put up with high regulation and property taxes — our rotting porches evidence of the opportunity cost. “That’s just New York,” people quip, often followed by, “One of these days I’m gonna get out of here.” Many do. And yet, many stay. It’s a reminder that land and culture jointly produce a sense of place, a belonging that often influences people more than politics does. That’s refreshing to me, especially since I just moved to the political cesspool of California. When we arrived, I expected to find a state peppered by crime, corruption, homelessness, and drugs. Instead, I found familiarity: rugged farmers, budding fruit trees, and chilly morning breezes. Sure, the other stuff is around, but it isn’t immediately shaping my daily life any more than the Trump flags I’m surprised to see along the highway. Beyond politics, or beneath it, is the beauty of American soil and spirit. So I’m learning to love California through its land: in my case, a small family homestead near Sacramento, the hard-earned purchase of my husband’s grandparents. Who wouldn’t fall in love with an orchard of almond trees surrounded by vibrant alfalfa fields and visiting egrets? For love of this place, and others like it across our nation, worn farmers under the heavy hand of regulation press on with American fortitude. On both coasts and across a political spectrum of states, businesspeople purchase property and cultivate profit from it, putting up with code inspector visits and permit applications every tedious step of the way. We draw stability and sustenance from our nation’s dirt. Hasn’t devotion to place been America’s story from the start? Even during the Revolutionary War, George Washington made plans for his home estate and dreamed of the day he could return to care for it. After the war, many of the generals turned their sights to land acquisition in the West, and those who stayed home tended gardens. My new highway in California takes me regularly past a historical “Pony Express Route” sign. I think of the men who rode these pathways on horseback, bringing news of loved ones to people who ventured far from their communities to form new ones. This California — dry and dusty, fresh and fruitful — became their home. It’s mine now too. I think about my birth state and the immigrants who entered America through it. New York gave them roots, first as a salty harbor with a statue of solidarity, and next as an island of grueling work and vast opportunity. The place formed them, just as it formed me. (READ MORE: Those Who Move to a Different State) True, political decisions play an enormous role in shaping our places. For this reason and others, we should devote ourselves to thoughtful political discourse and action. I, for one, hope the liberal states I love will reset their course toward constitutional ideas instead of outpacing each other toward leftist dystopias. In the meantime, I’m thankful Americans don’t need to agree with the law of the land in order to love the land itself. We are a divided people, and a unified foundation has many stones. Perhaps a shared love of American places isn’t a terrible one to lay first. The post I Love the States People Are Leaving appeared first on The American Spectator | USA News and Politics.

Conservatism and Skepticism In an era marked by political polarization and ideological entrenchment, the wisdom of Benjamin Franklin’s words resonates more profoundly than ever: “It is the first responsibility of every citizen to question authority.” As we navigate the complexities of modern governance, it’s essential to embrace this ethos, not as a partisan mantra, but as a fundamental tenet of democratic citizenship. From a conservative perspective, the imperative to question authority stems from a deep-seated distrust of unchecked power and a reverence for individual liberty. When we surrender to the whims of authority without scrutiny, we risk sacrificing the very freedoms that define our nation’s essence. (READ MORE: Tyranny Has Returned to the US, This Time by Proxy) The Founding Fathers, wary of tyranny, crafted a system of checks and balances to prevent the concentration of power. Yet, this framework only functions optimally when citizens remain vigilant, questioning the actions of those entrusted with authority. Finally, we must recognize that skepticism is not a partisan trait, but a civic duty. The benefits of skepticism are twofold. Firstly, it prevents the creep of authoritarianism, ensuring that power remains accountable to the people. By questioning authority, citizens create a culture of transparency, where leaders are compelled to justify their actions and decisions. This fosters a more responsive government, attuned to the needs and concerns of its constituents. Secondly, skepticism fuels innovation and progress. When we challenge prevailing wisdom and conventional thinking, we create space for new ideas and perspectives to emerge. This intellectual curiosity has long been a hallmark of American exceptionalism, driving breakthroughs in science, technology, and entrepreneurship. However, in today’s political climate, skepticism is often misconstrued as obstructionism or disloyalty. We’re frequently encouraged to prioritize unity over scrutiny, to “get behind” our leaders without question. This is a false dichotomy. Loyalty to one’s country doesn’t require blind allegiance to authority; rather, it demands a commitment to the principles that undergird our democracy. Conservatives, in particular, should be wary of surrendering to the allure of unchecked power. Our philosophy emphasizes the importance of limited government, individual responsibility, and the protection of minority rights. When we fail to question authority, we risk undermining these core tenets, allowing the state to expand its reach and control. The consequences of unchecked power are stark. History is replete with examples of authoritarian regimes that have stifled dissent, suppressed creativity, and enslaved their citizens. In more recent times, we’ve witnessed the corrosive effects of groupthink and the dangers of unquestioning loyalty, from the intelligence failures leading up to the Iraq War to the catastrophic mismanagement of the COVID-19 pandemic. In contrast, a culture of skepticism has yielded some of the most significant advancements in American history. The Civil Rights Movement, for instance, was born from the courageous willingness to challenge authority, to question the morality of segregation and discrimination. The Founding Fathers themselves were skeptics, questioning the authority of the British Crown and forging a new nation founded on the principles of liberty and self-governance. Developing a Culture of Skepticism So, how can we cultivate this spirit of skepticism in our daily lives? Firstly, we must prioritize critical thinking, seeking out diverse perspectives and evaluating evidence objectively. We should engage in constructive dialogue with those who hold differing views, not to “win” arguments, but to refine our understanding of complex issues. Secondly, we must support institutions and individuals that embody the values of skepticism and transparency. A free press, for example, serves as a vital check on power, holding leaders accountable for their actions. We should also champion whistleblowers and dissidents, who risk everything to expose corruption and challenge entrenched interests. Finally, we must recognize that skepticism is not a partisan trait, but a civic duty. We should applaud those who question authority, regardless of their political affiliation, and create space for constructive dissent in our public discourse. (READ MORE: Anarcho-Tyranny Is Official White House Policy) In conclusion, the responsibility to question authority is not a mere suggestion, but a sacred duty of citizenship. As conservatives, we have a unique obligation to uphold this principle, recognizing that skepticism is the ultimate bulwark against tyranny and the greatest catalyst for progress. By embracing this ethos, we can forge a more just, more innovative, and more resilient society, where individual liberty and freedom flourish. As Franklin so astutely observed, questioning authority is not only a right, but a fundamental responsibility — one that we must exercise with courage, conviction, and unwavering commitment. The post The Sacred Duty of Skepticism appeared first on The American Spectator | USA News and Politics.

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D – Darth Vader) proclaimed at the Democratic Party Convention that if his party retakes the House and keeps the Senate, while winning the White House, his priority will be to end the use of the filibuster codified in Senate Rule 22. The rule was created in 1917 to enable senators to end debates by a 2/3 “cloture” vote — 67 votes, even if fewer than 100 senators vote; it was amended in 1977, by reducing the cloture threshold to 60 votes. The Court tossed Biden executive orders mandating employer vaccines, the eviction moratorium, and student loan forgiveness. In 2013, then-Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid exercised the infamous “nuclear option” by amending Senate Rule 22 so that nominations to the federal district and appeals courts could not be filibustered; the Supreme Court was exempted, as no vacancies had occurred. Democrats got a taste of their own medicine when, in 2017, Republicans amended Rule 22 to end the filibuster for the High Court, enabling Trump to appoint three justices. The rule ended the Senate’s tradition of unlimited parliamentary debate that had prevailed since the First Congress. While unlimited debate prevented majorities from exercising tyranny of the majority, it permitted tyranny of the minority. A single senator could stop legislation, a practice oft indulged with year-end must-pass budget votes. Rule 22 requires large majorities to prevail, while preventing narrow majorities from enacting major changes. Significantly, if the Senate is evenly divided, the vice-president casts the tie-breaking vote. This applies not simply to legislation, which entails both Houses passing a bill, a check on narrow Senate majorities; the vice-president can also cast tie-breaking votes on amendments to Senate rules. Vice-presidents have cast 301 tie-breaking votes since the 1789 beginning of the First Congress. A breakdown of such votes shows that Kamala Harris is the all-time leader, at 33 tie-breakers, two more than John C. Calhoun’s 31 (1825-1832), in less than half the timespan. John Adams (1789-1797) is a close third, with 29. All others are below 20, with 12 — including Joe Biden (2009-2017) — casting zero tie-breakers. Enter Senator Schumer. Though at the Convention he cited two voting rights bills as his motive, Democrats are focused on targeting the 1869 statute fixing the number of Supreme Court Justices at nine. In 2023, 16 Democrats (six senators and 10 representatives) introduced the Judiciary Act of 2023, first proposed in 2021. The bill would add four justices, citing the increase from nine circuit courts of appeal in 1869 to thirteen today. (Opponents of court-packing have introduced the bipartisan “Keep Nine” Amendment, to enshrine the current statutory number in the Constitution.) The record compiled by the Supremes during Biden’s term shows a number of major reversals of clearly unconstitutional administration policies: The Court tossed Biden executive orders mandating employer vaccines, the eviction moratorium, and student loan forgiveness. During the 2023-24 term the Court overturned its 40-year old “Chevron deference” ruling that gave near total deference to administrative agency rulings. This effectively allowed Congress to pass sweeping legislation, leaving statutory interpretation largely to administrative agencies that under Chevron exercised near-plenary power over interpretation by evading judicial review. Conversely, the Court upheld a number of Biden administrative agency rulings, most notably in Moody v. NetChoice LLC, where it held that parties lacked standing to challenge collusion between the government and social media powerhouses that resulted in censorship of sites publishing views opposing administration policies. While ostensibly the increase in circuits seems non-partisan, none other than Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who served on the Supreme Court for 27 years (1993-2020) and was the “Notorious R.B.G.” darling of those on the Left, opposed increasing the number, saying in 2019 that “Nine seems to be a good number, and it has been that way for a long time.” She added: If anything would make the court appear partisan it would be that. One side saying when we’re in power we’re going to enlarge the number of judges so we’ll have more people who will vote the way we want them to. So I am not at all in favor of that solution to what I see as a temporary situation.  Former Justice Stephen Breyer, also a liberal during his tenure (1994-2022): What I’m trying to do is to make those whose instincts may favor important structural change or other similar institutional changes such as forms of court-packing to think long and hard before they embody those changes in law. Structural alteration motivated by the perception of political influence can only feed that latter perception, further eroding that trust. I traced the history of FDR’s court-packing effort in a 2021 article; and then in a second article I addressed the heavy-handed pressure to get Justice Breyer to step down. FDR entered 1937 having been re-elected in a 46-state landslide, his party having obtained a 333-89 House and a 76-18 Senate. FDR’s initial effort aimed to replace three conservative justices, one liberal and two “swing” justices, on the grounds that justices 70 or older could not carry the workload. After that fizzled, he floated a second plan, raising the retirement age to 75, with a limit of one justice replacement per year. It also flopped. But in the end, FDR wound up with the last laugh: During his terms he appointed eight justices. FDR’s efforts first paid off when Associate Justice Owen Roberts, one of the two “swing” justices, switched sides in two major cases decided 5-4. The shift by Roberts gave rise to the famous quip on the Court’s volte-face: “the switch in time that saved nine.” A generation before that quip, there was Finley Peter Dunne’s Mr. Dooley (rendered in modern English): “No matter whether the Constitution follows the flag or not, the Supreme Court follows the election returns.” The effort to push Breyer into premature retirement worked, leading to the appointment of Kentanji Brown-Jackson, who has a judicial philosophy well to the Left of Breyer, a moderate classical liberal and a skilled consensus-builder on the bench. The Filibuster and the Court: Bottom Line It is too early to assess the chances of Schumer & Co. prevailing. First, they must sweep in November. Second, they must muster 50 Democrat votes to add Supreme Court nominations to the “nuclear option” list. Third, they must be prepared to risk igniting a civil war beyond anything to date if they do pack the Court. Red states might, for example, declare themselves Sanctuary States, as California Gov. Gavin Newsom did over illegal immigration. A republic as deeply divided as ours is now could conceivably be sundered permanently by court-packing. John C. Wohlstetter is the author of Presidential Succession: Constitution, Congress and National Security (Gold Institute Press, 2024) The post Will 2024 Bring Doom for the Filibuster and the Court? appeared first on The American Spectator | USA News and Politics.

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by Martin Armstrong, Armstrong Economics: In Germany, the policies of open borders have caused extreme violence to give life to the Alternative for Germany (AFD) far-right party. They won a state election for the first time in post-World War II Germany in the country’s east on Sunday. They appear poised to finish a very close […]

from SGT Report: My wife and I met Thaddeus and Heidi at a popular restaurant and bar in our hometown and we quickly realized that have more in common with them than we do with many of our blood relatives. I’m sure many of you can relate! So I invited the minds behind the Primalhacker […]

In 1969 the Stooges shaped the future of rock'n'roll and brilliantly captured a young, fiery generation in turmoil. Punk? Grunge? Glam? So much of it started here

Oregon plans to give 30,000 to new home buyers if they illegally enter the country. California plans to give 150,000  ]to illegal aliens who want to buy a home, and they will get a zero-percent loan. Meanwhile, only about 10% of Americans can afford a home. According to a Wall Street Journal/NORC poll of 1,502 U.S. adults, […] The post $150K to Illegals to Buy a Home Only 10% of Americans Can Afford appeared first on www.independentsentinel.com.