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ManiCha
ManiCha
3 w

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ManiCha
ManiCha
3 w

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ManiCha
ManiCha
3 w

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Intel Uncensored
Intel Uncensored
3 w ·Youtube News & Oppinion

YouTube
⚠️ BREAKING - US JUST ISSUED FINAL WARNING — TIME IS RUNNING OUT FOR ACTION
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Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
3 w

Portland protests ERUPT after DHS links shooting suspects to Tren de Aragua
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Portland protests ERUPT after DHS links shooting suspects to Tren de Aragua

Follow NewsClips channel at Brighteon.com for more updatesSubscribe to Brighteon newsletter to get the latest news and more featured videos: https://support.brighteon.com/Subscribe.html
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Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
3 w

Is Lindsey Graham’s Foreign Policy the New MAGA?
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Is Lindsey Graham’s Foreign Policy the New MAGA?

Politics Is Lindsey Graham’s Foreign Policy the New MAGA? Once upon a time, in a land far, far away, Donald Trump and Rand Paul were aligned on foreign policy. On Wednesday, Senator Lindsey Graham wished Senator Rand Paul a happy birthday. “To Senator (Rand Paul), Happy Birthday!” Graham posted on X. “I hope today is full of family, friends and good cheer.” The South Carolina Republican added, “Oh by the way, as a birthday present we have seized yet another oil tanker trying to transport sanctioned Venezuelan oil. I hear Russia isn’t too happy.” “Next year to celebrate, maybe we can do a golf outing to Venezuela and Cuba!” he added. “Should be good to go by then.” He was celebrating Donald Trump’s military actions in and around Venezuela, including cashiering the nation’s President Nicolas Maduro and potentially changing the entire regime—something Graham wants to see replicated in Cuba. The birthday boy responded. “Thanks for the B-day greetings (Lindsey Graham),” Paul replied. “Replacing one socialist with another in Venezuela doesn’t bode well for golf though. Luxuries like golf flourish only under capitalism.” Paul was referring to Venezuela’s new interim president, the hardline socialist Delcy Rodriguez, a key ally of the ousted Maduro. Paul has long been outspoken against regime-change wars and the need for congressional approval for the U.S. to go to war, and has warned about the long-term, negative, unforeseen effects and results of war. Trump now goes to war without Congress specifically to change regimes and doesn’t seem worried about the aftermath. Graham absolutely loves this, and seems almost orgasmic over the prospects of a war in Cuba, which he might get. It wasn’t always this way. As the Trump political phenomenon and movement began to take shape in 2015, the neoconservatives were first worried most about another Republican—Rand Paul and his 2016 presidential campaign. When Graham also ran for president that year, his entire purpose for being in the race was to stop Paul and tamp down on simmering antiwar sentiment in the GOP, much of it cultivated by the popular 2008 and 2012 presidential campaigns of Rand’s libertarian icon father, the Texan Rep. Ron Paul. Of course, Donald Trump bulldozed through Paul, Graham, Jeb Bush, and every other candidate to win the nomination and become the 45th president. Paul and Trump would become friends and allies, so much that nearly two years into his presidency, POLITICO in August 2018 quoted an anonymous White House aide, “While Trump tolerates his hawkish advisers, the aide added, he shares a real bond with Paul: ‘He actually at gut level has the same instincts as Rand Paul.’” The report observed, “Both Paul and Trump routinely rail against foreign entanglements, foreign wars, and foreign aid — positions characterized as isolationist by critics and as ‘America first’ by the president and his supporters.” This Trump was the president who did not go to war with Iran in 2018, no matter how badly his Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, National Security Advisor John Bolton and Sen. Graham wanted it. POLITICO observed, “the Kentucky senator and the commander-in-chief have bonded over a shared delight in thumbing their noses at experts the president likes to deride as ‘foreign policy eggheads,’ including those who work in his own administration.” Trump and Paul didn’t always agree on foreign policy during this time, but Trump seemed to value the libertarian Republican’s counsel in the midst of so many Washington hawks. This was the Trump that sought diplomacy with Russia, even using Paul as a vessel in that effort. This was the Trump who shocked the U.S. establishment by shaking hands with the North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un in 2018. More from POLITICO on how the Trump-Paul alliance took shape eight years ago: [BLOCK]Paul has quietly emerged as an influential sounding board and useful ally for the president, who frequently clashes with his top advisers on foreign policy. The Kentucky senator’s relationship with Trump, developed via frequent cellphone calls and over rounds of golf at the president’s Virginia country club, became publicly apparent for the first time on Wednesday when the senator announced he had hand-delivered a letter to the Kremlin on Trump’s behalf.[/BLOCK] Today, Paul is persona non grata to Trump. It is now Graham who plays golf with the president, and who seems to have the neoconservative Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s back in inner-circle conversations and politics. And now American foreign policy looks a lot more like Rubio and Graham’s vision than Paul’s, or even Trump’s from just a few short years ago. This is what makes Graham so very happy. Like his friend, the late Senator John McCain, like the Bush II team of Cheneys, Wolfowitzes, and Rumsfelds, and like the pundits and writers Bill Kristol and David Frum—for neocons, war is their business. It’s always their business. Business is good right now. First up, Venezuela, maybe Cuba next. Neocons are riding high. Paul openly blames America’s new war on Venezuela on Graham’s rounds of golf with this version of the president. He says Trump is now “under the thrall of Lindsey Graham.” By the looks of it, he’s right. The post Is Lindsey Graham’s Foreign Policy the New MAGA? appeared first on The American Conservative.
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Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
3 w

Trump is Reviving ‘Spheres of Influence.’ That’s a Good Thing 
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Trump is Reviving ‘Spheres of Influence.’ That’s a Good Thing 

Foreign Affairs Trump is Reviving ‘Spheres of Influence.’ That’s a Good Thing  The age-old framework is a welcome alternative to liberal internationalism. Credit: Mikhail Svetlov/Getty Images President Donald Trump’s renewed emphasis on dividing the international system into spheres of influence represents an overdue recognition of geopolitical reality over ideological fantasy. For decades, American foreign policy has been imprisoned by the illusion that the post-Cold War “unipolar moment” would last forever—that Washington could reshape the world in its image through democracy promotion, humanitarian interventions, and ever-expanding security commitments. Trump’s approach, whatever its rhetorical excesses, acknowledges what every serious student of international relations understands: Great powers have legitimate security interests in their near abroad, and attempting to deny this reality produces conflict rather than preventing it. The bipartisan foreign policy establishment clings to the notion that America must maintain primacy everywhere, all the time. This maximalist vision has produced a series of costly failures ranging from Iraq, to Libya, to the futile attempt to integrate Ukraine into NATO’s orbit—an effort which contributed to the current catastrophe. The spheres of influence framework offers an alternative: recognizing that Russia has interests in Eastern Europe, that China has interests in East Asia, and yes, that America has interests in the Western Hemisphere. This is not appeasement, but prudence. It’s the difference between George Kennan’s containment of the Soviet Union and the neoconservatives’ project of global transformation. The Monroe Doctrine, after all, was itself a sphere of influence claim—one that served American security for generations. Critics will immediately point to Ukraine, claiming that acknowledging spheres of influence means abandoning democracies to their autocratic neighbors. This misunderstands both the concept and the stakes. Spheres of influence don’t eliminate sovereignty, they serve as a recognition that geography matters and that great powers will act to prevent hostile military alliances on their borders. Would America tolerate Chinese military bases in Mexico? The question answers itself. The tragedy of Ukraine stems partly from the West’s refusal to acknowledge this reality. Promising NATO membership without the means or will to defend it created the worst of both worlds—provocation without deterrence. A spheres of influence framework would have meant negotiating Ukrainian neutrality, potentially avoiding the current bloodshed while preserving Ukrainian independence in ways that matter most to Ukrainians themselves. In Asia, the spheres concept could provide the basis for stable competition with China. Beijing will dominate its near seas; pretending otherwise is fantasy. But dominance in the South China Sea need not mean Chinese hegemony over Japan, South Korea, or the broader Pacific. A spheres framework allows for negotiated understandings about where core interests lie and where accommodation is possible. The alternative—treating every Chinese action as a prelude to global conquest—locks us into a confrontation that serves neither side’s interests and risks catastrophic miscalculation. Trump’s instincts, however imperfectly articulated, align with a venerable realist tradition from George Washington’s Farewell Address through the founding of the Concert of Europe in the 19th Century to Nixon’s opening to China. These weren’t exercises in cynicism but in sustainable statecraft. The statesmen behind them recognized that international order requires accepting the world as it is, not as we wish it to be. The liberal internationalist project promised perpetual peace and required perpetual intervention to try achieving it. It delivered neither peace nor democracy, but exhausted American power and credibility. The spheres of influence approach offers something more modest but more achievable: a world of managed competition among great powers, each secure in its core interests, each restrained from unlimited ambitions. None of this is without difficulty. Defining spheres is contentious. Smaller nations fear abandonment. Larger nations can abuse the concept. And America’s allies in Europe and Asia will need reassurance that the U.S. accepting a spheres of influence framework doesn’t mean American withdrawal from commitments that genuinely matter. But these are problems to be managed, not reasons to reject the framework entirely. The current alternative—pretending geography doesn’t matter, that NATO can expand indefinitely, that America can police every border and guarantee every nation—has manifestly failed. Trump’s sphere of influence thinking, stripped of its bombast, points toward a more sustainable international order: one where American power focuses on core interests rather than dissipating in peripheral conflicts, where diplomacy acknowledges the security concerns of other great powers rather than dismissing them as illegitimate, and where the goal is stability among major powers, rather than the transformation of the international system. This won’t satisfy those who believe American foreign policy should be an exercise in ideological crusading. But it might produce what decades of liberal hegemony have failed to deliver: an international order that doesn’t require endless American intervention to sustain, and that reduces rather than multiplies the risk of great power war. The question isn’t whether spheres of influence exist—they always have. The question is whether we acknowledge them and manage them sensibly, or continue denying reality until it imposes itself catastrophically upon us. Trump, for all his flaws, at least asks the right question. The post Trump is Reviving ‘Spheres of Influence.’ That’s a Good Thing  appeared first on The American Conservative.
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Intel Uncensored
Intel Uncensored
3 w News & Oppinion

rumbleBitchute
Dad testing out the new waterslide ? that he built
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The Lighter Side
The Lighter Side
3 w

Linguist clearly demonstrates how 'thinking is walking' in English and it's just so cool
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Linguist clearly demonstrates how 'thinking is walking' in English and it's just so cool

Language is fascinating. The way humans have come up with literally thousands of languages to communicate with one another, the grammatical structures we've concocted, the fact that we learn our native tongues so naturally, and how powerful words can be are all testaments to how cool language is. But when you drill down even further, language gets even cooler, and in ways that most of us aren't even aware of. Linguist and self-professed "etymology nerd" Adam Aleksic shared a video on TikTok explaining how many common phrases we use for thinking directly reference walking. We often use metaphors in our speech, of course, but there are many that we likely don't even recognize as metaphors. We use metaphors all the time. Giphy He starts with "by the way," which literally means being next to the way, or the path we're supposed to be on. It indicates that we're taking a mental detour from the path we were supposed to be on to introduce something unrelated. On the other hand, when we're talking about something that is actually on the path we're meant to be on, we say, "of course," which literally means "of the path." "We use this metaphor all the time when we say, 'you're on track' or 'you're way off,' literally implying that you're not where you should be on the 'path' of thinking," Aleksic says, explaining that there's a greater metaphor at play here that "thinking is walking." Once you see some examples, it becomes so clear. Our minds "race" or "wander," our thoughts "stray," and we "arrive" at conclusions. @etymologynerd "Via" just meant "road" in Latin #etymology #linguistics #language "All this relies on physical motion, even though your mind is stationary," says Aleksic. "But it's from that idea—that thoughts can walk—that we can then go ahead and make statements about our own cognition. Like how I just used 'from'—originally a preposition for motion—and 'go ahead' to indicates continuation…Once you know thoughts can walk, you can 'follow' them down 'a line of thinking' until you 'come to' a resolution."Even a saying as common as "Way to go!" is a metaphor indicating that you are on the correct path. Once you start thinking about it, it's easy to come up with many more examples of how we conceptualize thinking as walking:"Let's circle back.""Walk me through your thinking.""I'm backtracking here.""The thought crossed my mind.""No way.""Let's move on." We use physical movement metaphors to conceptualize ideas. Giphy Some commenters shared that their languages use similar metaphors:"In Norwegian you can say 'du er på helt på bærtur' when someone is way off, and it means that you are on a berry trip—specifically blueberry trip.""In Czech, you say btw as ''mimochodem', while mimo means outside and chodem means a step or a walk, so literally meaning by the walk.""En passant in french is the same way. It's like 'I passed near this thought' while on my way to another thought."There's something to be said for "thinking is walking" even beyond the metaphorical way we describe our thoughts. Many of the world's greatest thinkers were also obsessive walkers. In 2014, Marily Oppezzo and Daniel Schwartz of Stanford University conducted a foundational series of studies on 176 people, mostly college students, to see if walking had any effect on different types of thinking. They found that participants who walked instead of sitting or being pushed in a wheelchair consistently came up with more creative responses on tests commonly used to measure creative thinking, such as thinking of alternate uses for common objects or coming up with original analogies to capture complex ideas. In one test, they had some people walk outside and others walk on a treadmill, neither of which seemed to make a difference. Wherever people walked, their answers were more creative than those who sat or were pushed in a wheelchair. "Thinking is walking" and waking can also help us think. Photo credit: Canva“Incorporating physical activity into our lives is not only beneficial for our hearts but our brains as well," Oppezzo said. "This research suggests an easy and productive way to weave it into certain work activities." Could we perhaps say, "walking is thinking" in addition to "thinking is walking"? A 2021 study of students in Japan found similar correlations between walking and strong responses on alternate use tests that measure divergent thinking. So it appears at least some types of thinking are enhanced by walking, which of course makes it all the more fun that we use so many walking metaphors to describe our thoughts. You can follow Adam Aleksic for more on TikTok here or check out his book, Algospeak: How Social Media Is Transforming the Future of Language, here.This article originally appeared last year.
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The Lighter Side
The Lighter Side
3 w

A teacher asked 7th graders the worst part of the 80s, and their answers have us howling
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A teacher asked 7th graders the worst part of the 80s, and their answers have us howling

Gen Zers joke that their parents were born in the 1900s as a way to teasingly make it seem like their parents are much older than they actually are. But the kids coming up behind them are either really good at sarcasm or they actually believe the 80s were more like the 1780s. A 7th grade teacher asked her class full of Gen Alphas what they thought the worst part of the 80s was, and no one was prepared for their answers. When most people think about the 80s, they think of big hair teased and sprayed to the gods. Bright colors, roller skates, and people walking around with giant boomboxes on their shoulders (as if everyone wanted to hear their music choices) are also at the top of the list for things that represent the 80s. But when thinking of the worst part of that decade, the lack of things like GPS, cell phones, and search engines would probably be at the top of that list. Retro vibes with bold colors and music! ?✨ #80sFashionPhoto credit: CanvaGen Alpha has other ideas about the worst part of the 80s. If you lived through that decade, you may want to remove your hat so you can scratch your head. The teacher who goes by Meliciousmo on social media recently uploaded the prompt and her students' answers on TikTok, giving viewers a chuckle. One kid answers the prompt with, "No electricity. No good food." It's starting out pretty questionably, but let's give him the benefit of the doubt by assuming his family watches a lot of Little House on the Prairie and his centuries are mixed up. The next kid's response will probably nail it. Well, maybe not. Through a few spelling errors, the response explains that the worst part about the 80s is that they didn't have cars. Yes, this sweet summer child surmised that life was tough because cars didn't exist, so walking everywhere or riding a horse and buggy was imperative. Obviously, this is false, because there were cars in the 80s. They had seatbelts in them for decoration, and kids would slide across the backseat when their dad turned a corner too fast as their mom reflexively extended a stiff arm to stop them from flying out of the car. Confused expression with a questioning gesture.Photo credit: CanvaClearly, some of the students were exposed to either 80s movies or TV shows because a couple of answers were spot on. One student wrote that running out of hairspray was the worst thing about the 80s, while another said, "People listening to other people's phone calls." Yikes. They're right. There were no cell phones, so there were no Bluetooth devices, so everyone was privy to your private conversation. Another child said nothing was bad about the 80s because "they had cool clothes, music, people, and hair." Those are big facts, kid.But other suggestions included having to walk through rivers because of the lack of buses, or the worst part of the 80s: the Cold War. @meliciousmo Every Friday I ask my students a fun question. This was today’s with some of their responses. ??♀️#teachersoftiktok #funnyanswers #genx #middleschool ♬ Don't Stop Believin' (2024 Remaster) - Journey One person writes, "There’s[sic] like 3 kids who know the 1980s are not the same as the 1780s. LOL."Another laughs, "Gosh I’m still tired from walking through all the rivers to school."Someone else thinks the generational gap between parents has something to do with it, "Some of these are spot on…some think we’re over 100 years old! You can tell who has Gen X parents and who has Millennial parents!" Students eagerly participate in a classroom discussion.Photo credit: CanvaBook It pizza party anyone? (Or was that the 90s?) Either way, someone is proposing that iconic classic, writing, "Ok so some good ones, shoulder pads, people listening in to phone calls and hair spary[sic] are all legit. Give those kids a classic 80s pizza paety[sic]!! As for WW2, no tv, cars, and the great depression. Well those kids need a new history book lol."Another person adds a pressure that only those who were adults in the 80s could appreciate, saying, "I didn't even grow up in the 80s and I KNOW it was writing a check at the grocery store with four people behind you and the person behind you had a full belt. The pressure must have been CRIPPLING."This article originally appeared last year
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