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Living In Faith
Living In Faith
1 y

Jesus Didn't Feel the Need to Rush, Neither Should We  - The Crosswalk Devotional - August 14
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Jesus Didn't Feel the Need to Rush, Neither Should We  - The Crosswalk Devotional - August 14

If we follow our selfish ambition or conceit, it will lead to destruction—at breakneck speed. Jesus, on the other hand, teaches us that the road to life looks a lot more like walking, stopping, talking, and allowing ourselves to move at the speed of love.
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History Traveler
History Traveler
1 y

Aquatic mosaic found at Wroxeter Roman City
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Aquatic mosaic found at Wroxeter Roman City

A team of archaeologists and volunteers excavating Wroxeter Roman City near Shrewsbury in Shropshire have unearthed a beautifully preserved mosaic floor of fish and dolphins at swim. Established as a civilian settlement of a legionary fort around 90 A.D., Viroconium Cornoviorum grew into one of the largest cities in Roman Britain. At its peak, it had more than 200 houses, a public bath, a forum, basilica (in the sense of a government building/city hall and courthouse, not church). Only parts of the bathhouse and of the town’s defensive wall (the largest surviving section of Roman wall in Britain) are visible above ground today while the rest of the site remains unexplored. It hasn’t been overbuilt, thankfully, which gives archaeologists the opportunity to excavate previously unexplored areas unencumbered by modern construction. Earlier this year, the archaeological team excavated one of the previously unexplored areas. Geophysical surveys had detected the presence of a large building, which archaeologists hypothesized might be the city’s main civic temple, and the team dug several trenches hoping to uncover its remains. They found a large monumental building — 165 feet long and 26 feet wide — with thick buttresses supporting its back wall. They also found a small square shrine or mausoleum with painted plaster walls on the exterior. A third structure unearthed in the survey is a townhouse. It was in one of its rooms that the mosaic was discovered. It dates to the early 2nd century, shortly after the founding of the city, so it is about 2,000 years old. It survives in such good condition because the building was remodeled in the 3rd or 4th century and the room was filled with rubble to raise the level of the floor to match current street level. “Our excavations were in hope of discovering the walls of [the civic temple] building, but we never suspected we would find a beautiful and intact mosaic, which had lain hidden for thousands of years,” said Win Scutt, from English Heritage. “It’s always an astonishing moment when you uncover a fragment of beauty hiding just below the ground,” he added. The team also found coins and pottery and a painted plaster wall on one side of the mosaic, which experts said would help date the phases of the city, and the activities that took place there. The mosaic and other remains have been reburied for the protection, but the mosaic floor and frescoed walls have been scanned and a 3D model created for people to explore virtually.
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YubNub News
YubNub News
1 y

Ukraine takes more Russian territory
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Ukraine takes more Russian territory

Ukraine said Tuesday that its troops had advanced further into Russia's Kursk region and now control 74 settlements after launching a surprise cross-border incursion a week ago. The U.S. has approved…
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YubNub News
YubNub News
1 y

What Are Mothers For?
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What Are Mothers For?

What Are Children For? by Rachel Wiseman and Anastasia Berg, St. Martin’s Press, 336 pages, June 2024 Rachel Wiseman’s mother always knew she wanted to have children. Wiseman, meanwhile, only arrived…
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YubNub News
YubNub News
1 y

Why Self-interest May Stop the Mideast Blow-Up
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Why Self-interest May Stop the Mideast Blow-Up

The Middle East has been on tenterhooks over the last two weeks. Israel’s assassinations of the senior Hezbollah commander Fuad Shukr in Beirut and the Hamas political chief Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran,…
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YubNub News
YubNub News
1 y

Ilhan Omar Wins Against Moderate Challenger In Key Primary
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Ilhan Omar Wins Against Moderate Challenger In Key Primary

Readers, Instead of sucking up to the political and corporate powers that dominate America, The Daily Caller is fighting for you — our readers. We humbly ask you to consider joining us in this fight.…
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YubNub News
YubNub News
1 y

Democrats are the Biggest Danger to the Constitution
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Democrats are the Biggest Danger to the Constitution

We have reached that point in the election cycle where people begin to tell us it is conservative to vote for Vice President Kamala Harris or express astonishment that Republicans…
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Science Explorer
Science Explorer
1 y

Hopeful Parkinson's Study Shows Risk of Dementia Is Lower Than Feared
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Hopeful Parkinson's Study Shows Risk of Dementia Is Lower Than Feared

Good news.
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Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
1 y

Why Self-interest May Stop the Mideast Blow-Up
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Why Self-interest May Stop the Mideast Blow-Up

Foreign Affairs Why Self-interest May Stop the Mideast Blow-Up No party would be served by all-out war. Credit: image via Shutterstock The Middle East has been on tenterhooks over the last two weeks. Israel’s assassinations of the senior Hezbollah commander Fuad Shukr in Beirut and the Hamas political chief Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran, which occurred less than 24 hours apart, were operational successes demonstrating the reach, lethality, and capability of Israel’s security services. Yet the killings of these two high-profile figures have generated extreme concern about the prospects of a full-blown war erupting between Israel and the United States on the one hand and Iran and its regional proxies on the other. According to the conventional wisdom, it’s only a matter of time before Iran and Hezbollah retaliate against Israel militarily. Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has reportedly given the order to strike. Hezbollah Secretary-general Hassan Nasrallah has done the same. In Israel, people have been told to prepare for an imminent, large-scale attack by stockpiling necessities. The United States, meanwhile, has ordered more military assets to the region, including additional F-22 and F/A-18 fighter aircraft, to deter Iran and assist Israel’s defenses. Is the Middle East on the precipice of a regional conflict? While no official or analyst can say with absolute certainty, there are cold-hearted, self-interested reasons why the major players involved would want to shy away from it.  Iran, for example, will have to think long and hard before it engages in a war with Israel. The fact that nearly two weeks have passed since Haniyeh’s assassination suggests that the Iranian government is still very much deliberating its options and is aware that a mistake could result in catastrophic blowback. There appears little doubt that Tehran will respond in some way; Haniyeh’s killing was a highly public embarrassment for the Iranian security services, coming only a few hours after the Hamas official attended the inauguration ceremony of Iran’s newly-elected President Masoud Pezeshkian. The Israelis managed to kill Haniyeh by sneaking a bomb into the exact room of the Iranian guesthouse he was staying in. Doing nothing after such a monumental security lapse isn’t an option; it would likely embolden Israel to pursue more of these operations in the future. But going overboard isn’t an option either. The scope and duration of any retaliation will have to be specifically tailored because Tehran frankly cannot afford a war with a superior adversary right now. In April, after an Israeli strike against an Iranian consulate building in Syria, the Iranians launched approximately 300 drones and missiles toward Israel, the first direct attack from Iran of its kind. Yet that operation was highly choreographed and telegraphed well in advance, probably on purpose, to limit the damage to civilians and minimize the chances of a huge Israeli counterattack. It worked; the vast majority of the drones and missiles were shot down, the damage was insignificant and Israel’s retaliation was limited to destroying an Iranian air defense radar installation.  Iran didn’t want to spark a wider war with Israel in April. Notwithstanding Israel’s successful covert operation on Iranian soil (which wasn’t the first), it is highly unlikely that Iran wants to spark a wider war today. First, while Iran could do significant human and material damage to Israel in the event of a full-scale conflict, particularly by leveraging its proxies, Iran is still by far the inferior party in terms of conventional military power. The Iranian armed forces haven’t fought a conventional conflict in more than 40 years—and the last time it did, against Saddam Hussein’s Iraq, the result was an eight-year campaign that ended in a draw. Israel could do markedly more damage to Iran than Iran could do to Israel.  Iran also can’t assume that Israel would fight alone if things got out of hand. It’s difficult to envision the United States, still the world’s foremost military superpower, sitting out of any Iran–Israel war. For Iranian officials to assume otherwise would be a dangerous gamble on their part. The U.S., after all, was integral in creating a military coalition on the fly, which included France, the United Kingdom, Jordan and Saudi Arabia, to neutralize Iran’s attack on Israel in April. All of this will undoubtedly weigh on Khamenei’s mind. Despite his dogmatic rhetoric, the supreme leader is concerned with one thing above all else: preserving the Islamic Republic. Hezbollah, too, has reasons for restraining its worst impulses.  For the last 10 months, Israel and Hezbollah have been firing on one another’s positions within the Israel–Lebanon border region. Tens of thousands of civilians have been displaced on both sides of the U.N.-demarcated Blue Line, turning most of the area into a de facto military zone. Israel’s operation against Shukr was notable not just because of who was targeted but where it took place—in Dahiya, the highly-populated suburb in Beirut that serves as Hezbollah’s headquarters. It was a direct violation to the unwritten rules of the game. Although a coordinated strike against Israeli security installations in a major population center like Tel Aviv can’t be ruled out, Hezbollah has little to gain and much to lose if it starts becoming indiscriminate. This isn’t conjecture; Hezbollah has first-hand experience in how devastating an Israeli military campaign can be. In July 2006, Hezbollah launched an attack against an Israeli patrol along the Israel–Lebanon border, killing two Israeli soldiers and capturing three others. Israel’s response was ferocious, a 34-day offensive that blockaded Lebanon’s ports, killed hundreds of Hezbollah fighters and destroyed much of the country’s infrastructure. Two weeks after a ceasefire was signed, Nasrallah admitted publicly that he never would have authorized the attack on the Israeli soldiers if he knew it would lead to a war. Granted, today’s Hezbollah is far stronger militarily than it was in 2006. The group is the strongest bloc in Lebanon’s dysfunctional political system, rules southern Lebanon as its own mini-state, and possesses so many missiles that it could overwhelm Israel’s air defense system. Yet the fundamental question still remains: Does a war with Israel at this time serve Hezbollah’s interests? Given the stiff Israeli retaliation that would ensue and the extensive harm its own support base and the country in general would suffer—Lebanon’s economy has already contracted by two-thirds since 2018 while its poverty rate has tripled over the last ten years—the answer would seem to be no. It’s not in Israel’s national interest to embark on a war either. For one thing, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) still have their hands full against Hamas in Gaza. Although Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu frequently invokes the IDF’s tactical successes, Israeli troops are still conducting raids and offensives in some of the same cities they previously withdrew from. The IDF is so low on munitions that there’s question as to whether it could execute a multi-front war even if it wanted to, something Israel hasn’t done since 1973. None of this even begins to account for the civilian casualties, infrastructure damage, and economic contraction such a war would produce. Preventing an Israel–Iran or Israel–Hezbollah war that could engulf the entire Middle East won’t be a smooth process. It’s especially difficult when the immediate parties don’t have diplomatic relations or any direct ways of communicating redlines to each other. But if rationality prevails over emotionalism, there are good reasons to believe the region and the roughly 50,000 U.S. troops stationed there can escape a conflagration. The post Why Self-interest May Stop the Mideast Blow-Up appeared first on The American Conservative.
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Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
1 y

What Are Mothers For?
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What Are Mothers For?

Books What Are Mothers For?  Despite their best efforts, Rachel Wiseman and Anastasia Berg conclude that children—and motherhood—are good on their own terms. Credit: image via Shutterstock What Are Children For? by Rachel Wiseman and Anastasia Berg, St. Martin’s Press, 336 pages, June 2024 Rachel Wiseman’s mother always knew she wanted to have children. Wiseman, meanwhile, only arrived at the same conclusion after a winding personal odyssey, one that involved soul-searching “Motherhood: Is It For Me?” classes, reading a lot of “motherhood ambivalence” autofiction and feminist literature, and finally, watching her friend, Anastasia Berg, go through it. Together, Berg and Wiseman wrote What Are Children For? to parse the titular question and the uncertainty with which the majority of their millennial generation approaches it today.  Berg, an assistant professor of philosophy at the University of California, Irvine, and Wiseman, managing editor of The Point magazine, are keen to establish with their readers their progressive chops: These women are not conservative, nor are they pro-natalist, and their argument for having children does not come from a place of concern for low birth rates. They are two thoroughly modern millennial women, wrestling with how to justify having children in a world which, by their estimation, is wracked with climate concerns, financial instability and inequality, and attacks on “women’s reproductive freedom,” also known as the abortion industry. Moreover, as the popularity of motherhood ambivalence fiction attests, countless women of Berg and Wiseman’s own ilk—progressive, 30-something college graduates—are hopelessly undecided on the subject of having a family and looking for answers. (The answers in motherhood ambivalence autofiction are more or less the same: The first few weeks of motherhood are horrifying, and the rest is never discussed.)  It is not enough, then, for Berg and Wiseman to say that children are worth it for their own sake: “Having children is steadily becoming an unintelligible practice of questionable worth… the old frameworks… no longer seem to apply. And the new ones provide us with hardly any answers at all,” they write. To answer the question satisfactorily for their audience requires examining why millennials are hesitant to commit to kids, and answer the prevailing arguments of feminism, fiction, and climate change which many use to defend their ambivalence.  Climate change, however, quickly turns out to be a very unconvincing argument against children for most women. Mostly, women’s fears of family coalesce around the idea that children will directly and negatively harm their career, and by consequence their hard-earned sense of self, since job and self-identity are deeply entwined for the millennial cohort. Compounding this is the newer phenomenon of “slow love,” or the practice of protracting each phase of a romantic relationship over years—couples now commonly text for months before even making it to a first date, and move in together for years before considering engagement—as a means of caution. Of course, this slow burn doesn’t just mean women are well past their fertile prime before they think about kids, but that many find themselves several years into a relationship before discovering they want children and their partner does not. Another hurdle is plain selfishness: Several interview subjects told Berg and Wiseman “they would be more receptive to the idea of children if only they could guarantee that having kids would not jeopardize the things that really mattered to them”—such as unlimited free time, traveling, or sleeping in. As the authors note, “birth rates by and large correlate negatively with income.” For those for whom such a luxurious lifestyle is not an option, the sacrifices of child rearing are far less consequential. The problem which modern women are encountering is at its root a problem of separating children from romantic relationships: To marry a man because you want to have his children is, somehow, convoluted and wrong, a perversion of the modern romantic trajectory. This is not a 21st century idea, but one which stems from the feminist tradition of treating motherhood as antagonistic to a woman’s full personhood. While the idea was calcified by Simone de Beauvoir, the majority of feminist thinkers treated the biological realities of womanhood as something to be overcome in order to reach complete self-determination. (Beauvoir herself recognized the transcendent qualities of motherhood, but called it a lesser form of freedom since it was not something a woman did for herself.) “That only some but not other human beings are naturally endowed with the ability to support the development of an embryo in pregnancy…has historically been understood to underlie many, probably most, of the disparities that characterize the lives of women and men,” Berg and Wiseman write. True freedom, as Shulamith Firestone and Sophie Lewis would each later argue, requires a complete separation of motherhood from womanhood.  One does not need to read about the now medically-sanctioned phenomenon of “chestfeeding” to sense that the separation of womanhood from motherhood has effectively come about. The most commonly cited reason for egg freezing, according to women surveyed, is not to delay motherhood for a career, but to “separate child bearing from relationship success or failure,” according to Berg and Wiseman. That the question of having a child is so unknowable to millennial women testifies to this fact too: How indeed is a woman to know if she wants to be a mother if she does not know what motherhood means? Wiseman describes the vocation as “coming naturally to my mother,” but by this she simply means her mom could organize schedules effectively, both those of her children and of “a rotating cast of nannies and babysitters.” Unsurprisingly, this image does not inspire Wiseman to mimic it.  “Is the capacity to give birth a source of power and meaning, or is motherhood a cumbersome, potentially torturous, and at any rate unnecessary and overrated experience?” Berg and Wiseman ask. This becomes a central question for the authors as they plumb the murky depths of autofiction, a genre characterized by fictionalized narratives of its authors’ own lives. The popular subgenre of “motherhood ambivalence literature” typically follows a single woman’s internal monologue as she muses over whether to have a child; the stories often culminate in an unplanned pregnancy or the drama of birth, and rarely consider any voice besides the author/narrator’s to be authoritative. Presumably, the point is that the author must find the answer to her question deep within herself, but as Berg and Wiseman note, “the deeper we go into the recesses of our narrators’ minds, the less we can tell what they are like and who they are.”   If motherhood is meaningful, its meaning is not found in a void. A child is created through the closest type of communion between a man and a woman, assisted reproductive technology notwithstanding. Berg and Wiseman seem to recognize this instinctively: Wiseman condemns both the motherhood ambivalence class she attends and much of the motherhood ambivalence autofiction she reads for their attempts to abstract the question of whether to have children from every external factor, such as whether a woman has a husband, or any marriage prospects whatsoever, and whether said male has any interest in creating life with her. But when it comes to her own decision to have children, the reader is given no context: Wiseman says she is pursuing IVF. With a husband, boyfriend, or anonymous sperm donor? Apparently, it doesn’t matter.  In their final philosophical argument, the authors turn to a discussion of teleology to argue that since goodness, justice, and beauty are worth pursuing unconditionally, having children cannot be morally wrong, since it may be a way of pursuing those worthy ends. This is hardly a resounding emancipation of motherhood, but it is as close as the authors come to reinforcing children as a worthy pursuit. The choice to have a child is, ultimately, up to you: It is the most “basic way to affirm our existence,” and not immoral, but also decidedly not imperative.  We are accustomed to thin gruel from secularism, even well-intentioned secularism. After all, if Kant could not overcome the impossibility of arguing for moral behavior separate from an animating fabric of morality (what does it mean to be “good”?), it is not surprising that the dicta of liberalism can barely provide grounds to argue the choice to have a child today is not immoral. Where Berg and Wiseman land is exactly as far as two cautiously pro-child liberal feminists are allowed.  Was it this argument that ultimately turned Wiseman’s head towards family making, or was it something else? In her concluding essay on motherhood, Berg seems hesitant to admit to any delight in her young daughter Lila, but the enchantment seeps through anyway. Wiseman is also discovered in these scenes, sticking and re-sticking window clings with the two-year-old.  “To have children is to allow yourself to stand in a relationship whose essence is not determined by the benefits it confers or the prices it exacts,” Berg writes. In other words, we cannot come to this decision by a pro-con list. We must instead be moved by a love for another to engage in that creative act (which mimics that of a greater Creator). “To give life to someone else is always to give away something of your own and to saddle yourself with a love—yours, theirs—that can be almost unbearable. A child’s life comes at the cost of yours,” Berg writes. She does not seem to be calling this a bad thing. The post What Are Mothers For? appeared first on The American Conservative.
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