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7 d

Alberta UCP Members Adopt Measures on Parental Rights, Immigration, and Flag Policy
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Alberta UCP Members Adopt Measures on Parental Rights, Immigration, and Flag Policy

Delegates cast their votes at the 2023 United Conservative Party annual general meeting in Calgary. Jeff McIntosh/The Canadian PressMembers of Alberta’s governing United Conservative Party passed nearly…
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LNP, Premier Celebrate Huge Swing in By-Election Win
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LNP, Premier Celebrate Huge Swing in By-Election Win

Queensland Premier David Crisafulli is seen talking to the media before the handing down of the 2025-26 budget at Queensland Parliament in Brisbane, Australia on June 24, 2025. AAP Image/Darren EnglandFor…
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Neighborhood Beats The Hell Out Of Serial Woman Attacker in NYC
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Neighborhood Beats The Hell Out Of Serial Woman Attacker in NYC

The post Neighborhood Beats The Hell Out Of Serial Woman Attacker in NYC appeared first on SALTY.
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7 d

McEnany raises MAJOR question on Biden’s autopen pardons
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McEnany raises MAJOR question on Biden’s autopen pardons

Follow NewsClips channel at Brighteon.com for more updatesSubscribe to Brighteon newsletter to get the latest news and more featured videos: https://support.brighteon.com/Subscribe.html
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7 d

BREAKING: New video emerges of DC National Guard shooting
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BREAKING: New video emerges of DC National Guard shooting

Follow NewsClips channel at Brighteon.com for more updatesSubscribe to Brighteon newsletter to get the latest news and more featured videos: https://support.brighteon.com/Subscribe.html
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Beyond Bizarre
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7 d ·Youtube Wild & Crazy

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Anonymous "The Truth Is Hiding In Plain Sight"
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7 d

The singer Noel Gallagher called one of his “unsung heroes”
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The singer Noel Gallagher called one of his “unsung heroes”

British icon. The post The singer Noel Gallagher called one of his “unsung heroes” first appeared on Far Out Magazine.
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Extremism and Its Virtue

In the heat of a very intense nominating convention in 1964, Barry Goldwater addressed the issue of extremism. Goldwater’s thought challenges us. He said the words because they were true. As short-term expedients, they didn’t work. Like any term of disapproval, it can be used for its power to summon a strong, negative emotional response. Those who worship power, as opposed to those unafraid to use power in service of a higher end, have no compunction about using such a word again and again without ever establishing a case for its validity. Such people distrust their fellow citizens. They do not want their minds and hearts, only to recruit them as pawns in their own attempt to gain checkmate. This misuse of terms is as old as civilization. Plato takes up this theme in Gorgias in which Socrates asks of Callicles: Do you think that orators always speak with regard to what’s best? Do they always set their sights on making the citizens as good as possible through their speeches? Or are they, too, bent upon the gratification of the citizens and, slighting the common good for the sake of their own private good, do they treat the people like children, their sole attempt being to gratify them? Goldwater set about clearing the rhetorical swamp that characterized the bitter Republican infighting of the year of his nomination. He knew that the Left had successfully identified every negative societal trend with conservatism. He was going to clean that up and show what lasting American values really were. Goldwater was no bigot. He spoke with pride of his Jewish ancestry though he was not Jewish. He vehemently opposed the Jim Crow laws by which racial discrimination in private life was imposed by government force. He founded the Arizona NAACP and worked to desegregate the Arizona National Guard and the Phoenix public schools among other things. Goldwater considered the leader of the John Birch Society, Robert Welch, to be crazed. Years after the 1964 convention, he expressed regret at not having united the Republicans then by pushing through a condemnation of the group whose prime loyalty was to themselves and not to the Republicans. But at that convention, Goldwater tried to clarify the issue of extremism by going to the core meaning of the word and showing that in some very important contexts, extremism was laudable. His words, most remembered of any spoken at that convention, were: “Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice, and moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.” First of all, this speaks to Goldwater’s conservatism — this powerful and carefully nuanced reading of extremism has a distinguished history. Its oldest source is from the Roman senator Cicero, whose renowned oratory was a staple in classical education for centuries. And it has deep American roots as well — the firebrand radical patriot Thomas Paine wrote: “A thing moderately good is not so good as it ought to be. Moderation in temper is always a virtue; but moderation in principle is always a vice.” Goldwater’s intent is in harmony with Paine in that on the core issues, issues of principle, it is not virtuous to equivocate. This is the nature of the dedication to great and principled causes. American independence begins with this. The last words of the Declaration are: “And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor.” When the cause of civilization seemed nearly lost, with the British army leaving all its equipment behind as it fled a France broken before Hitler’s army, Churchill spoke to his full cabinet. His message was that compromise of the great principles behind their war with Nazism was not possible no matter how dark things seemed. He concluded his remarks with these words: I am convinced … that every man of you would rise up and tear me down from my place if I were for one moment to contemplate parley or surrender. If this long island story of ours is to end at last, let it end only when each one of us lies choking in his own blood upon the ground. Great causes require great dedication. But this is only part of the story of this teaching. As Paine put it, “Moderation in temper is always a virtue.” Depending on its employment, moderation can be either virtuous or vicious. And therefore, our discernment becomes crucial — is it temperament or principle that is at hand? The stakes are extremely high for anyone who cares about the difference between vice and virtue. In his late twelfth century code of law, Maimonides set out the laws of character that derive from Scripture and the many precedents and rulings in the law system derived from its teachings. There he writes: Each and every man possesses many character traits. Each trait is very different and distant from the others. One type of man is wrathful; he is constantly angry. In contrast, there is the calm individual who is never moved to anger, or, if at all, he will be slightly angry, perhaps once during a period of several years. There is the prideful man and the one who is exceptionally humble. There is the man ruled by his appetites — he will never be satisfied from pursuing his desires, and conversely, the very pure of heart, who does not desire even the little that the body needs. The two extremes of each trait, which are at a distance from one another, do not reflect a proper path. It is not fitting that a man should behave in accordance with these extremes or teach them to himself. If he finds that his nature leans towards one of the extremes or adapts itself easily to it, or, if he has learned one of the extremes and acts accordingly, he should bring himself back to what is proper and walk in the path of the good men. This is the straight path. This ruling Maimonides not only built upon Scriptural references, which he cites there in his text, but also upon the writings of Aristotle. That great Greek noted a principle of balance at work in nature at large but especially in human character. In his Nichomachean Ethics, Aristotle teaches that with respect to every personality trait, virtue is to be found at the balance point, not at the extremes. There in 2:6, he writes that virtue is a mean between two vices, that which depends on excess and that which depends on defect; and again it is a mean because the vices respectively fall short of or exceed what is right in both passions and actions, while virtue both finds and chooses that which is intermediate. We see here the emergence of a Western civilization that includes both Athens and Jerusalem. In Maimonides, as with the best of the medieval Christian and Muslim philosophers, the insights of philosophy serve the ends of religion by giving it a power to communicate in universal terms, not dependent on the exclusive truth claims of each tradition. Aquinas and the Scholastics will tread this path; Avicenna (ibn Sina) and al Farabi had already trod this path. Religions are known for inspiring their followers to extreme commitment. Well they should — the greatest truths in the world are worth sacrifice, and martyrdom is a most powerful testimony. In our examples above, the Declaration inspired American patriots to give all for the sake of an independence that would not otherwise have been achieved. And as Churchill said, it was the British people who were fought like lions in the victory over Nazism; he merely was called upon to give the roar. But as Patton reminded us, the main job in victory is not to die for your cause, but to grant that to the enemy. For many Germans fought to the death, as did the soldiers of the Empire of Japan. That did not make their cause righteous. And the same is true in our day — first we must be sure we are not slaves of our own immoderate temperament before we allow ourselves an extreme dedication. If we do not, chances are, we are devotion is to something other than the Highest and is, properly speaking, idolatrous. Thus, in Maimonides’ law code, martyrdom, devotion to the point of death, is called “sanctification of God’s name” — but only secondarily and under the most extreme circumstances. Normally, one sanctifies God by demonstrating in one’s life a wise and virtuous path within life, even under provocation. He founds this on the Leviticus text that calls God’s laws as those “which a man will perform and live by them.” The laws were given so that one may live by them and not die because of them. If a person dies rather than transgress, he is held accountable for his life. Goldwater’s thought challenges us. He said the words because they were true. As short-term expedients, they didn’t work. Democrats successfully and sophistically used his words to brand him as an extremist. But Goldwater’s courage brought Ronald Reagan to the public eye and so to the great rebirth of an American conservatism in tune with America’s heart and brought a stupendous victory in the war against the vicious extremism of Soviet communism. We have issues worth debating thoroughly. To do that well, we have first debated within, finding the sweet balance point of our soul, so that we can hone in on the great truths that alone may call forth that last great measure of devotion. Like Goldwater, we must not be afraid of the good fight. But to fight that fight and win, we must not make an idol of our own quirks and proclivities. First, we must seek that clear center point, the natural balance people of wisdom have spoken of through the ages. Then, divested of idolatry, we will know where to devote ourselves entirely and rise to our divine calling. READ MORE from Shmuel Klatzkin: Friends May Betray Us, but Choose Agency Wendell Berry Shows Us How To Love in Loss Trivializing Religion Left Us Unprepared for Political Islam
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The Burning of Bethany Magee

I’m haunted by what happened to Bethany MaGee. Haunted by how, in the midst of something as ordinary as a subway journey, she found herself doused with gasoline and set ablaze. Haunted that she’s now in a burn unit fighting for her life. Haunted at the thought that, even if she survives, she’ll likely be scarred for life, not simply from the burns themselves, but from the emotional trauma.  Let’s pray for the families of Iryna and Logan, facing a first Thanksgiving — and soon Christmas — filled with heartache and a special loneliness. Haunted, and also deeply, bitterly outraged. I recently wrote about the murders of Iryna Zarutska and Logan Federico, young women, like Bethany, attacked by strangers in moments when they should have been safe and secure. Writing that article, I wanted to conclude by saying “never again,” and yet I couldn’t. Not because the message didn’t need saying, but because I knew, deep down, that “never again” was tempting fate. And so it has come to pass. Yet another innocent young woman horrifically attacked. Yet again attacked by someone who should never have been out on the street to do the attacking, someone who’d been arrested over and over again, and yet spat back out by a system unwilling to confront the fact that some people simply cannot be allowed to share space with the rest of society. Yet another failure of our mental health care system, but above all, of our justice system.  When I wrote of Iryna and Logan, I wrote, despairingly, of the need for young women to arm themselves along with all the other vulnerable members of society, the elderly, the disabled, and anyone else lacking the physical wherewithal of a Chuck Norris or a Jacky Chan. I evoked the message of Chicago’s favorite liberal columnist, Mike Royko, who, decades ago, in response to a similar horror, turned away from his anti-gun ideology and counseled young women to arm themselves.  Frankly, both then and now, this represents the counsel of despair. Make no mistake — in the present moment I would very much prefer to see armed women to dead or dying ones. And I agree with the point made long ago by Royko, that having a woman blow away her attacker would have a salutary effect on the problem. It would eliminate one predator, and it might serve as a deterrent to others. It might also encourage progressive judges, the kinds who seem hell-bent on returning predators to the streets, to perhaps explore some other options, if only to protect their “pets,” the violent criminals who they few as unfortunate victims of the “system.” But I entertain no illusions on this score. The necessary training and the constant situational awareness and the stress of cycling between self-defense guru Jeff Cooper’s “Condition Yellow” and “Condition Orange” represents a burden no honest citizen should be expected to maintain on a daily basis. In our current cultural climate, a successful act of self-defense would likely bring down the harpies of victimhood on the side of the dead attacker, not the woman who defended herself. Worst of all, for any normal person, taking a life, even as an act of self-defense, almost always carries a lifelong burden all its own. Above all, the very idea that the only solution to this problem is the proliferation of defensive armament offends every notion of civilized society. Shared public spaces should be safe public spaces. Down through the years, I’ve relied frequently on public transport. Living in London and in Munich, I rode the subways every day, and never for a moment felt unsafe. Still, I recall, rather ruefully, that I was mugged the first time I ever used public transportation, ironically, riding on the Chicago subway. I was a hick kid from a small-town in Georgia, and I was lucky enough to simply be robbed, threatened with but not subjected to physical harm — I had the good sense to surrender all the cash in my pockets, and was allowed to go on my way. But that was 1970, a much more innocent time, and even the muggers seemed content not to escalate. The threads of the social compact have frayed enormously since then and in many places, notably our dysfunctional blue cities, have snapped altogether. The task before us, then, is enormous, requiring a comprehensive reassertion of some very basic values. First, we have to recommit to incarceration of violent criminals, and, for the worst among them, the death penalty. I worked in the Florida state prison system for a year just after finishing my Ph.D. I didn’t want to, but just married and struggling to find a proper teaching job, I took the offered opportunity. I’m glad I did, because it quashed whatever illusions I might have entertained about the rehabilitative potential of most violent criminals. I often wish that our current crop of young leftists might be exposed to a similar experience. Second, we have to forthrightly address the problem of mental illness and drug addiction — the two, quite clearly, often go together. Not all mental illness is violent, and that’s worth remembering. But too often, violence and mental illness go hand in hand, and a care regime that makes excuses for the violence in the name of providing treatment is absolutely unacceptable.  Yes, the old institutions of confinement care were often hellholes, but that’s no excuse for simply dumping such people out on the street. For their good, and the good of everyone else, they need to be kept safe and off the streets. Doing it right will, no doubt, be expensive, but also undoubtedly less so than the damage they wreak when abandoned to the various pretenses of outpatient care — or no care at all. Finally, the judges and prosecutors that are at the center of the problem should be held accountable, and so should the mayors and city councils that enable them — looking at you, Brandon Johnson. There is no excuse for allowing violent criminals and the violent mentally ill out on the street — no excuse whatsoever, not sympathy, not pious progressivism, not fantasies of rehabilitation. If voters are too much in thrall to the teacher’s unions and the big-city Democrat machines to elect more responsible leadership, then they, too, own a share of the blame. Sadly, the world seems to be going in the opposite direction. I revisited London and Munich last year and in neither case did their public spaces seems as safe as they did when I lived there in the 1970s. Even the proverbially safe Scandinavian countries no longer seem capable of maintaining the security of public spaces. As our own Kevin Cohen observed in his article on the rape crisis in Sweden, the authorities remain in thrall to woke pieties, unwilling to confront a catastrophe that defies their comfortable assumptions about multiculturalism. Cohen closes with a question we should be asking ourselves: “Can a society remain open, coherent, and safe if it lacks the confidence to articulate the values it expects all within it to uphold?”  We won’t solve any of this overnight, though we’d best not waste any more time. In the meantime, and on this Thanksgiving weekend, let’s at least pause to pray for Bethany’s recovery, for the strength she and her family will need going forward. Let’s pray for the families of Iryna and Logan, facing a first Thanksgiving — and soon Christmas — filled with heartache and a special loneliness. And let’s pray for our country, that we may find our way to a society in which young women need not fear the very ordinary processes of life. They should be able to ride the subway or walk back to their cars after dark without constantly looking over their shoulders or wishing for a gun. We may never get there, but we should be ashamed of failing to try. I’d finished this piece, and submitted it to the editors when word came that two members of the West Virginia National Guard had been shot in cold blood only blocks from the White House. Just minutes ago, the news came that one of them, 20 year-old Sarah Beckstrom, has died of her wounds. I’ll leave the analysis and the broader commentary to others, but now, I’m writing these words with tears in my eyes, tears of sadness, but also tears of rage. The circumstances may be different from Bethany, or Iryna, or Logan, but the thought of yet another precious young woman dead, murdered, just breaks my heart. Pray for her and for her grieving family, pray as hard as you’ve been praying for Bethany and her family. Pray for young Andrew Wolfe, the other Guardsman, still fighting for his life. Pray for our country, and pray for the strength and the determination to see an end to this unending horror. There can be no more excuses–this has to stop. READ MORE from James H. McGee: Getting Ahead of Ourselves About the 2028 Elections TDS Now Resembles Orwell’s ‘Two Minutes Hate’ Defending Nigeria’s Christians from Islamist Genocide James H. McGee retired in 2018 after nearly four decades as a national security and counter-terrorism professional.
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The Anglican-to-Catholic Pipeline

A Catholic priest I knew once joked that Anglicans are just dressing up as Catholics but with bad theology. According to a new study, a substantial number of Anglican clerics agreed with that characterization and decided to ditch the Anglican theology and embrace full communion with Rome. There is still, however, one great Anglican tradition worth pursuing: converting to Catholicism. The Benedict XVI Centre for Religion, Ethics, and Society at St Mary’s University, Twickenham in London analyzed priestly ordinations in the Catholic Church in Britain between 1992 and 2024 and found that 700 Anglican clerics left the Church of England and became Catholic, with 486 becoming Catholic priests. The former Anglicans accounted for nearly 30 percent of diocesan ordinations and over a third (35 percent) of combined diocesan and ordinariate ordinations. (The Personal Ordinariate of Our Lady of Walsingham in England and Wales, which also encompasses Scotland, was established by the late Pope Benedict XVI in 2011 to allow former Anglicans to join the Catholic Church while still retaining elements of their Anglican patrimony, such as a distinct liturgical style.) The vast majority of conversions, according to the study, occurred in 1994, driven largely by the Church of England’s decision to approve female ordinations to the priesthood. Last month, the Church of England named Sarah Mulally as the next Archbishop of Canterbury, the chief cleric of the Church of England. Mulally is currently the Anglican Bishop of London and is known for her progressive views, including favoring blessings for same-sex unions and tacit support for abortion. “I would suspect that I would describe my approach to this issue as pro-choice rather than pro-life although if it were a continuum I would be somewhere along it moving towards pro-life when it relates to my choice and then enabling choice when it related to others,” the next Archbishop of Canterbury said in 2012. Earlier this year, however, she joined other Anglican bishops in opposing further decriminalization of abortion in the United Kingdom. The Church of England formally renounced the authority of the Pope, the Bishop of Rome, in 1534, under the reign of King Henry VIII. In the following years, many Catholic priests were hunted down and executed. One of the most famous of these priests, Saint Edmund Campion, had previously been an Anglican cleric. A brilliant Oxford scholar and a favorite of Queen Elizabeth I, Campion held reservations about Anglican doctrine and theology when he was ordained an Anglican deacon in 1569. The 1559 Book of Common Prayer and the Anglican Thirty-Nine Articles (especially Articles 28 and 31) explicitly rejected the Catholic teaching of transubstantiation, the belief that the bread and wine used during Mass do contain the True Presence of Christ. Campion’s study of Scripture and the Early Church Fathers led him to believe that the Anglican position was incorrect, that Christ was truly present, Body, Blood, Soul, and Divinity, in the Blessed Sacrament, and that the Church had held this belief unwaveringly for centuries. He also rejected the Anglican view of the priesthood and apostolic succession, perceiving the Church of England as a “new invention” rather than a continuation of the Christian Faith in England as it had existed since Augustine of Canterbury converted the English at the end of the sixth century, and could not accept Elizabeth I’s claim to be the spiritual head of the Church in England, holding that a monarch could exercise civic or judicial authority over the Church but not spiritual authority. Fearing punishment if his views were to become known, Campion fled first to Ireland and then to what is today France, where he entered into full communion with the Catholic Church and was ordained a sub-deacon. He traveled to Rome and joined the Jesuits and was ordained a priest in Prague in 1578. In 1580, Campion returned to England, on a mission to proclaim the truth of the Catholic Faith. For just over a year, Campion preached, celebrated Mass and the sacraments, and wrote numerous tracts and pamphlets explaining the flaws in Anglican theology and doctrine. In his Decem Rationes, the Jesuit priest outlined ten arguments against Anglican theology and in favor of Catholic theology. Notably, he called on Anglican leaders to openly debate him, clarifying that his mission was not political. During the 1581 commencement at St. Mary’s, Oxford, Campion and his Catholic companions left 400 copies of the treatise on benches, intensifying the urgency of Elizabeth I’s hunt for the priest. Despite his insistence that his mission was neither political nor treasonous, when Campion was finally captured in July of 1581, a paper was pinned to his hat, reading, “Campion, the Seditious Jesuit.” He was imprisoned in the Tower of London for four days, in a small cell nicknamed “Little Ease,” designed so that a prisoner could not fully stand, sit, or lie down. Campion was questioned numerous times by members of Elizabeth I’s Court and was asked whether he accepted her as the true monarch of England, which he said he did. The Jesuit was held over four months in the Tower and was reportedly tortured on several occasions. Anglican leaders even circulated false reports that Campion had recanted his Catholic positions and converted to Anglicanism. In November of 1581, Campion was indicted, falsely charged with conspiracy to treason and plotting to overthrow Elizabeth I. At trial, Campion declared, “I am a Catholic man and a priest. In that faith have I lived and in that faith do I intend to die, and if you esteem my religion treason, then I am guilty.” He further warned those present, “In condemning us, you condemn all your own ancestors, all our ancient bishops and kings, all that was once the glory of England — the island of saints, and the most devoted child of the See of Peter.” Campion was hanged, drawn, and quartered at Tyburn, along with fellow Catholic priests Ralph Sherwin and Alexander Briant, on December 1, 1581. The execution is broadly considered one of the worst political blunders of Elizabeth I’s reign. Following the notorious Jesuit’s death, Catholic seminary enrollments more than doubled, from roughly 100 in 1580 to over 250 by 1585, and Catholic conversions surged, especially at Campion’s alma mater, Oxford. At least 60 Oxford scholars not only converted but became Catholic priests in the decades immediately following Campion’s death. The Catholic recusant population more than doubled, from only about 20,000 in 1580 to as many as 50,000 by 1603. William Weston, Campion’s successor as the Jesuit superior in England, wrote in his autobiography that “the death of Father Campion … brought more to the Church than the labors of many years.” In the centuries since Campion’s death, numerous Anglicans have followed his example and converted to Catholicism. Saint John Henry Newman was an influential and nationally-recognized Oxford academic and Anglican priest until he converted to Catholicism in 1845. He became a Catholic cardinal and is now both a Saint and a Doctor of the Church. Robert Hugh Benson was the son of the Archbishop of Canterbury and, like his father, became an Anglican priest in 1895. Less than a decade later, however, he had converted to Catholicism and became a Catholic priest, later serving as a chamberlain to Pope St. Pius X and authoring several powerful Catholic novels, including Lord of the World and Come Rack! Come Rope! Another literary convert was Ronald Knox, a friend of G.K. Chesterton’s and Agatha Christie’s who was ordained an Anglican priest in 1912. Five years later, he became a Catholic and was ordained a Catholic priest in 1918. The Church of England has, by this point, accumulated nearly 500 years of history. Unfortunately, much of that history is riddled with theological errors, culminating in a church which openly endorses female ordinations, the blessing of same-sex unions, and even abortion, to an extent. There is still, however, one great Anglican tradition worth pursuing: converting to Catholicism. READ MORE from S.A. McCarthy: Top Catholics Respond to USCCB’s Immigration Message Bishops Blast Trump on Immigration, but Not Biden on Abortion US Priests Remain Conservative but Diverge From Trump
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