Two new polls suggest that Americans broadly support the Trump administration’s deportation agenda even as “ICE Out” rages at the Grammys, though with some possible reservations about illegal aliens who have not committed other serious crimes. The polling firm Cygnal released the results of a late January poll on Monday that shows majority support for deportations of illegal aliens. Conversely, Democratic calls to defund Immigration and Customs Enforcement and partially shut down the government over deportations are politically toxic. “Voters see illegal immigration as a simple question of law and order,” said Cygnal founder and CEO Brent Buchanan. “The data leaves no wiggle room. Americans want the law enforced, they want illegal immigrants removed, and they punish politicians who try to block ICE from doing its job.” The Cygnal poll was conducted from January 27–28 and has a margin of error of 3.09%. Pollsters questioned 1,004 likely 2026 midterm general election voters. The Cygnal poll found that Americans support deporting illegal aliens by 61% to 34%, nearly 2 to 1 in favor of deportations. An even greater share, 73%, agree that entering the United States without legal permission is a violation of law. A slimmer majority, 54%, support ICE enforcing federal immigration laws and conducting deportations. The poll also shows that Democrats’ anti-ICE stance is likely to bring electoral trouble if Republicans can capitalize. Polling results show that after voters are told Democrats want to defund ICE or shut down the government over ICE funding, the generic ballot swings four points in favor of Republicans. The results of a January Harvard-Harris poll, also released on Monday, show more mixed results for the Trump administration. The poll was conducted from January 28-29 and involved responses from 2,000 registered voters. The margin of error is 1.99%. The results of the poll show that Americans support the administration’s approach to deportations in Minneapolis as long as they perceive that it is targeted against aliens who have committed significant crimes, not against random illegal aliens. In fact, “[d]eporting immigrants who are here illegally and have committed crimes” is Trump’s second most popular policy with 73% support. If Americans perceive that ICE is taking a dragnet approach and sweeping up illegal aliens “randomly,” support for deportations falls to 44%. Americans appear to disapprove of resistance to ICE’s mission. Two-thirds of Americans agree that elected state and local officials should cooperate with immigration authorities to deport criminal illegal aliens. The same percentage of Americans say that local jails should turn over criminal aliens for deportation. Americans are split among those aliens who should be targeted by ICE. There is overwhelming support to deport those who have “committed serious crimes,” 82%. Green card holders and legal permanent residents who have committed serious crimes should also be deported, say 63% of Americans. Fifty-eight percent of Americans say aliens who have “overstayed their visas” should be deported. But the numbers are almost evenly split for aliens “who crossed the border recently but [have] no criminal record” and legal residents who “organized activities undermining U.S. foreign policy.” Americans are solidly against deporting illegal aliens who have lived in the country for years without committing serious crimes, who arrived in the United States as children, or who are legal residents who have only committed minor infractions.

Just how badly did Republicans do in two Texas special elections last weekend? Not as badly as apocalyptic headlines in liberal-leaning outlets would suggest—but badly enough that Republicans nationwide have to learn some searing lessons. Although the GOP lost both races, one was for a U.S. House seat that’s been in Democrats’ hands for decades: Christian Menefee’s victory narrows the GOP’s congressional majority, but only because that safely blue seat had been vacant since Rep. Sylvester Turner died last March.   The other contest, which yielded an upset, was for a Texas state Senate seat that will be up for election again before the legislature convenes. In other words, the victorious Democrat, Taylor Rehmet, won’t get to vote on anything before Texans get another vote on him, and the November race that really matters is certain to have stronger turnout than last Saturday’s special election. The trouble is Rehmet didn’t just win, he won by more than 14 points in a red-leaning Ft. Worth-area district. Democrats and much of the media converged on the same message: This was a district Donald Trump won by roughly 17 points in 2024, so the swing away from the GOP was more than 30 points, a staggering humiliation that augurs a Republican wipeout in November. But comparing presidential elections to state senate elections—and a January special election, at that—is absurd. Never mind presidential years: Saturday’s turnout was pitiful even in comparison to typical off-year state legislative races. Merely 94,000 or so people voted last weekend, barely a third as many as participated the last time the seat was up in a general election, back in 2022, when nearly 278,000 ballots were cast. The advantage the party opposing the White House historically enjoys in midterms applies all the more in special elections: the opposition is always more motivated, and it takes especially intense motivation to get voters to the polls in January after a winter storm. Add the fact the real contest for this seat is the one in November, and Saturday’s winner doesn’t actually get to attend the legislature, and the scenario for maximizing the protest vote and minimizing Republican turnout was perfect. On top of that, the GOP was divided. In the special election’s first round last fall, two Republicans vied against each other as well as Rehmet, allowing him to beat them both, and wounds from the intraparty rivalry hadn’t healed by the time of the runoff. Yet all this only means the Republican performance was abysmal, not prophetically catastrophic. The party can count on doing better in November, but better won’t be good enough unless the GOP gets its act together. In Texas and around the country, the last thing Republicans should do is swallow the Democrat line that fixes the blame for the GOP’s woes on Trump and his agenda. In fact, Democrats won in Texas by borrowing from Trump’s playbook: Rehmet ran as a populist and went all-out to secure the working-class vote. He played up his background as a machinist, union member (and leader) and veteran. Trump is president today because he’s a master at winning blue-collar voters who like him but don’t like the Republican brand. When Trump’s on the ballot, his personal brand is strong enough to boost his party downticket, but in midterms, Republicans are on their own again. Indeed, they get the worst of both worlds: anti-Trump voters turn out to punish his party, while pro-Trump voters who don’t feel much connection to the GOP itself stay home in droves. Republicans have to overcome this by making Trump’s brand their own, giving his working-class voters reasons to vote for them on their own merits without Trump on the ballot. And they have to do it while maintaining party unity—unlike in Texas—despite free-market conservatives’ unease about populism and the tendency of some religious conservatives to think social issues are enough to win on without a pocketbook pitch to the working class. It’s in typically red regions like Texas’ 9th senate district that the GOP is most hazardously complacent because those are places the old formulas have worked best for the longest time—which leaves an opening for Democrats to go after the working-class votes Republicans ignore. The GOP isn’t just lazy, it’s scared. Keeping social and economic conservatives together in a single coalition is hard enough; why complicate it by trying to squeeze in populists as well? Trump, of course, has answered that: because it’s what’s necessary to win nationwide, and increasingly that’s what it takes to win in places like Texas, too. With or without Trump on the ballot, the GOP’s survival now depends on the coalition he pioneered. We publish a variety of perspectives. Nothing written here is to be construed as representing the views of The Daily Signal.   The post The Trump Coalition Wins But the GOP Brand Doesn’t appeared first on The Daily Signal.

At a Glance: Australorp Vs. Leghorn Egg Production The Numbers: White Leghorns win on volume, producing 280–320 eggs annually compared to the Australorp’s 250–280. The Feed Bill: Leghorns are roughly 25% more feed-efficient due to their smaller body size. The Climate: Australorps are winter-laying champions; Leghorns handle extreme heat better but may pause in the cold. The Personality: Australorps are docile “pet-style” birds; Leghorns are high-energy, flighty, and better for “business-first” coops. The Longevity: Australorps maintain production longer (up to 5 years), while Leghorns often “burn out” after year two. Picking between the Black Australorp and the White Leghorn is one of the biggest choices any chicken keeper will make. This debate puts a tough, does-two-jobs Australian favorite against an Italian-born egg-making machine. Whether you want a non-stop egg layer or a steady-breeding hen, this australorp vs leghorn egg production guide will help you decide. Australorp vs Leghorn Egg Laying Comparison Australorp and Leghorn are the best of the best chicken breeds. However, one matures faster and produces more eggs than the other.  The White Leghorn (The “Speed Racer”) Annual Output: 280–320 large white eggs. Maturity: Starts laying early (16–18 weeks). Strategy: Leghorns are lean and high-energy. Since they’re smaller, they don’t use much energy to keep their bodies going, and every bit of food goes straight into making eggs. The Black Australorp (The “Long-Distance Runner”) Annual Output: 250–280 large brown eggs. Maturity: Takes a bit longer to start (20–24 weeks). Strategy: Australorps are built for steady, year-round production. They might not match the Leghorn’s speed, but they keep going when conditions get tough. When a Leghorn might stop laying during a cold snap, the Australorps keep producing all winter long. Australorp Vs. Leghorn Egg Laying Comparison FeatureWhite LeghornBlack AustralorpAnnual Egg Count280–320250–280Egg ColorBright WhiteDeep BrownEgg SizeLarge to Extra-LargeLargeWinter LayingFair to PoorGreatFeed NeedsLow (Very Efficient)Medium (Needs More) Best Feed Brands For Australorp And Leghorn Chickens In The US To keep these egg numbers up, you can’t use cheap scratch feed. In 2026, most US markets now sell special feeds made just for heavy layers. Purina Layena + Omega-3: This is the go-to for Leghorns. Since they lay so often, they can run low on calcium. Purina’s OysterStrong system keeps the shells strong and the hens healthy. Nutrena NatureWise Layer: A great match for Australorps as it contains prebiotics and natural oils to help these bigger birds stay healthy. It also has marigold for those deep, golden-orange yolks that Australorp owners love. Scratch and Peck Organic: For the top-quality homestead, this whole-grain feed is perfect. Since Leghorns love to scratch and forage, this feed encourages what they naturally do, which keeps their stress down and egg production up. Kalmbach Feeds: If you live in the Midwest or Northeast, Kalmbach’s high-protein layer feed helps the Australorp keep warm enough to keep laying when snow starts falling. Are Black Australorps Or White Leghorns Better For A Family Backyard? If you’re planning to raise a flock in the family backyard, research bird behavior before picking a breed. The Australorp Personality: These are the “friendly dogs” of the chicken world. They’re a gentle breed that likes being held. For a family backyard, they’re the clear winner as they usually stay behind short fences quietly. The Leghorn Personality: These birds are high-energy, get easily spooked, and can effortlessly jump over a 6-foot fence. They aren’t mean, but they definitely aren’t “cuddle chickens.” If your backyard is small or your neighbors don’t like noise, the Leghorn’s loud “egg song” might be a problem. Where To Buy Australorp And Leghorn Chicks Near Me or Online? Getting your chicks from a good hatchery makes sure you get the “egg-laying type” instead of the “show type” which lays way fewer numbers. National Hatcheries: Cackle Hatchery, Meyer Hatchery, and McMurray Hatchery are the top three US sellers online. They ship anywhere in the country and offer NPIP-certified healthy chicks. Local Farm Stores: In the spring, Tractor Supply Co. and Rural King stock both breeds during “Chick Days.” They’re often the cheapest way to get 5 or 10 birds without paying for shipping. The NPIP Directory: You can search the USDA’s NPIP website for local breeders in your state to find birds already used to your local weather. How’s the Australorp vs Leghorn Egg Production Beyond Year Two? Most data covers about the first 12 months, but what happens as your flock gets older? Leghorns are bred to lay so hard that they often “wear out” faster. By year three, they might lay 30–40% fewer eggs, and they can have more health issues. Australorps, with a slower pace, often keep up a steady (though slightly lower) rate for 4 or 5 years. What’s the ROI on Eggs Per Pound Of Feed? If you treat your coop like a business, pick the Leghorn. They weigh less and need about 25% less feed than an Australorp to make the same dozen eggs. If you’re paying for every bit of grain and don’t have space for them, the Leghorns’ payback is unbeatable. However, if you have a big yard, choose the Australorp as they’re much better at finding their own “wild” protein than the other type. Australorp vs Leghorn: Which Chicken Should I Pick for Backyard Egg Production? In a head-to-head race, the White Leghorn makes more eggs each year, usually beating the Australorp by 30 to 50 eggs. But for the average backyard keeper, the Australorp’s gentle nature and winter toughness often make it the more rewarding bird to raise. Frequently Asked Questions Which chicken lays more eggs, the Australorp or the Leghorn? The White Leghorn lays more eggs, averaging 280–320 per year, whereas the Australorp averages 250–280 eggs. At what age do Leghorn and Australorp chickens start laying? Leghorns typically start laying between 16–18 weeks, while Australorps take a bit longer, usually starting between 20–24 weeks. Are Australorps or Leghorns better for cold climates? Australorps are superior for cold climates due to their heavy body mass and dense feathers; Leghorns are more prone to stopping production during winter cold snaps. Which breed is more feed-efficient for egg production? The Leghorn is significantly more efficient, requiring approximately 25% less feed than the Australorp to produce the same amount of eggs. Do Australorps or Leghorns make better pets for children? The Australorp is much better for children because they have a docile, “lap chicken” personality, while Leghorns are flighty and avoid human contact.

Pravda Technique to Watch Out For

USA Today did everything it could to make a Biden-era economic catastrophe out to be a Trumpian blooper. But as always with the lefty media, the devil’s in the details. USA Today Money and Personal Finance reporter Medora Lee came out with a pretty damning item February 1 headlined, “How pay raises turned into pay cuts, except for Americans in 9 states.” The immediate perception from the headline would have readers believing that this confirms the doom porn the media had been selling them on the Trump economy. Nope. Lee wrote, “Most Americans have felt the weight of inflation on their budgets over the last few years, but there are still a handful of places where Americans’ lives have improved financially, according to a study by MyPerfectResume.”  “The last few years” eh? Which years? “The online resume building site analyzed wage data in all 50 states against inflation to find where paychecks gained or lost value from 2020 to 2024.” Ah, so we’re mostly talking about the entire Biden presidency then! Not that Lee’s readers would know it, because she didn’t bother bringing his name up or conceding his outrageous spending policies that contributed to the inflation crisis that swallowed people’s wallets in the first place. Lee broke down the economic plight the average American was experiencing, despite many of Lee’s colleagues in fellow newspapers, news organizations and TV channels insisting Bidenomics was a stroke of genius: Bureau of Labor Statistics data show the average American worker’s pay rose 18% to $75,600 from about $64,000 during those years, but inflation soared about 21%. Despite every state in the country showing wage increases in dollars, the average Americans lost approximately 2.6% in income after adjusting pay increases for inflation. What’s even more telling is Lee’s reporting on the list of states where pay increases were protected against the inflation spikes: Idaho: +3.1% Florida: +2.6% Washington: +2.3% Montana: +2.3% Wyoming: +1.8% South Carolina: +1.5% North Carolina: +0.9% Tennessee: +0.9% Maine: +0.5% What do the majority of the aforementioned states have in common, except Washington? Six of them were run by Republican gubernatorial leadership during the 2020-2024 period. “Workers in every other state,” wrote Lee, “saw a drop in their purchasing power, but Americans in these five states faced the sharpest gap between rising wages and increasing costs.” All five of the states Lee mentioned are extreme leftist strongholds that were run by Democrat governors during the 2020-2024 period, with the exception of Maryland which saw Democrat governor Wes Moore (D) take leadership from Republican Larry Hogan (R) in January 2023: New Jersey: –7.0% Rhode Island: –6.9% Maryland: –5.4% Massachusetts: –5.3% New York: –5.3% Lee never mentioned the political makeup of any of the states she mentioned, perhaps it would make Biden and company — in addition to the cacophony of media hack voices selling the snake oil of their policies — look really bad. For example, CNN Fareed Zakaria GPS host Fareed Zakaria had the audacity to refer to Bidenomics as a “resounding success” in January 2025 and told Democrats to forget about the working-class Americans who were still kvetching over inflation spiking the cost of living. That same month, NBC Senior Business Correspondent and Bidenomics hawker Christine Romans went as far as to snoot that President Donald Trump was inheriting an economy in “solid shape.” But with the new data, Lee inadvertently let the cat out of the bag: Bidenomics was hot garbage, and the voters who panned it as such were right on target. However, during the first full year of the Trump administration, USA Facts reported that wages have outpaced inflation growth by 1.1 percent.  A welcome development for sure, but not that the media will give him any credit for it. 

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