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5 w

Israel Says Latest Remains Returned From Gaza Are Not Bodies of Hostages
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Israel Says Latest Remains Returned From Gaza Are Not Bodies of Hostages

Red Cross transports the bodies of two deceased hostages, kidnapped during the October 7, 2023, attack on Israel by Hamas, after they were handed over by Hamas militants, in Deir Al-Balah, in the central…
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5 w

Ukraine Says It Hit a Key Fuel Pipeline Near Moscow That Supplies Russian Forces
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Ukraine Says It Hit a Key Fuel Pipeline Near Moscow That Supplies Russian Forces

Russian servicemen attend a practice for sabotage operations behind enemy lines at a training ground on an undisclosed location. Photograph provided on Oct. 31, 2025. Russian Defense Ministry Press Service…
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5 w

Drone Sighting Temporarily Suspends Air Travel at Berlin Airport
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Drone Sighting Temporarily Suspends Air Travel at Berlin Airport

An easyJet airplane will be handled at Terminal 1 in the evening after the opening of the new Berlin Brandenburg "Willy Brandt" (BER) Airport in Berlin, Germany, on Oct. 31, 2020. Soeren Stache/dpa via…
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5 w

‘EVEN MORE DISRUPTIONS’: Transportation official issues grim warning
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‘EVEN MORE DISRUPTIONS’: Transportation official issues grim warning

Follow NewsClips channel at Brighteon.com for more updatesSubscribe to Brighteon newsletter to get the latest news and more featured videos: https://support.brighteon.com/Subscribe.html
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5 w

‘RECKLESS’: Fallout from ‘Schumer shutdown’ EXPLODES in Washington
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‘RECKLESS’: Fallout from ‘Schumer shutdown’ EXPLODES in Washington

Follow NewsClips channel at Brighteon.com for more updatesSubscribe to Brighteon newsletter to get the latest news and more featured videos: https://support.brighteon.com/Subscribe.html
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5 w

Did Ukraine Just Quietly Attack Two European Countries?
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Did Ukraine Just Quietly Attack Two European Countries?

Foreign Affairs Did Ukraine Just Quietly Attack Two European Countries? Questions remain regarding explosions at refineries in Romania and Hungary. (Photo by YURIY DYACHYSHYN/AFP via Getty Images) A key plank in the Western strategy to avoid negotiations with Russia and to continue financing and arming Ukraine has been the alarming insistence that Putin is bent on going beyond Ukraine and into Europe, not stopping until he has reestablished the Soviet empire. But simultaneous explosions of two oil refineries in Hungary and Romania raise the question of whether it is not Russia, but Ukraine, that is going beyond its borders and expanding the war to Europe. From the start of the war, Ukraine, the United States and NATO have motivated Europe to back the war with the warning that if they do not, the war will come to them. In April 2024, U.S. Ambassador to NATO Julianne Smith warned that NATO countries must “help Ukraine push Russia out of its territory… because if they do not succeed, of course, the concern is that Russia will feel compelled to keep going.”  The same warning was consistently broadcast from the very top in the United States, NATO and Ukraine. President Joe Biden told Congress that “If Putin takes Ukraine, he won’t stop there…. He’s going to keep going. He’s made that pretty clear.” Then Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin warned that “Putin will not stop at Ukraine.” And Biden’s Secretary of State Antony Blinken explained that Putin has “made clear that he’d like to reconstitute the Soviet empire.” Then NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg insisted that “if Putin wins in Ukraine, there is real risk that his aggression will not end there.” Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky warned his Western partners that “this aggression, and Putin’s army, can come to Europe.” He said that “at the moment, it’s us, then Kazakhstan, then Baltic states, then Poland, then Germany. At least half of Germany.” “If Ukraine loses the war,” he said, “other countries will be attacked. This is a fact.” It isn’t “a fact,” and he has never “made that pretty clear.” There is nothing on the historical record that suggests Putin has his sights set on Europe or on anything beyond keeping Ukraine out of NATO and protecting the rights of Ukraine’s ethnic Russians. Putin has repeated from the start that “the Ukraine crisis is not a territorial conflict, and I want to make that clear…. The issue is much broader and more fundamental and is about the principles underlying the new international order.” That Moscow’s goal is keeping Ukraine out of NATO, and not moving Russia into Europe, has been corroborated at the highest levels by Ukraine’s negotiating team, by NATO, and even by Zelensky. The deceptive fundraising claim is based on cynical misquotations and misrepresentations. It ignores the fact that Putin’s comment that “people in Russia say that those who do not regret the collapse of the Soviet Union have no heart” was followed by the addition “and those that do regret it have no brain.” It ignores that Putin’s comment that “we should acknowledge that the collapse of the Soviet Union was a major geopolitical disaster” was focused, not on the absence of the Soviet Union, but on the economic hardship that followed its collapse.  The actual historical record shows that Putin has never “kept going” but that, when Russian forces have been deployed, they have been limited to specific objectives when they could have easily kept going, as in Georgia in 2008 and Ukraine in 2014, when military conquest could have been accomplished with ease. The “fact” is that the historical record suggests that Putin went to war in Ukraine, not to go to war with NATO or conquer Europe, but to prevent a war with NATO and with Europe. “Listen attentively to what I am saying,” Putin said just three weeks before the invasion. “It is written into Ukraine’s doctrines that it wants to take Crimea back, by force if necessary…. Suppose Ukraine is a NATO member…. Suppose it starts operations in Crimea, not to mention Donbass for now. This is sovereign Russian territory. We consider this matter settled. Imagine that Ukraine is a NATO country and starts these military operations. What are we supposed to do? Fight against the NATO bloc? Has anyone given at least some thought to this? Apparently not.” Just three days before invading Ukraine, Putin said “the reality we live in” is that if Ukraine is “accepted into…NATO, the threat against our country will increase because of Article 5” since “there is a real threat that they will try to take back the territory they believe is theirs using military force. And they do say this in their documents, obviously. Then the entire North Atlantic Alliance will have to get involved.” While the mainstream media in the West has been broadcasting the false warning that Russia will expand the war to Europe—though it may “be hugely consequential in the long term,” as Richard Sakwa, Emeritus Professor of Russian and European Politics at the University of Kent, suggested to me—they have utterly ignored the real concern that Ukraine already is. On the morning of October 20, there was an explosion at Romania’s Petrotel-Lukoil refinery. In the evening of the same day, there was an explosion at the Danube Refinery, Hungary’s largest oil refinery. Neither the date nor the targeted refineries appear to be random. That same day, European Union energy ministers advanced an EU proposal to ban new contracts for importing Russian gas by 2026 and all contracts by 2028. Hungary and Romania both still import Russian oil. Both refineries process Russian crude oil. The Petrotel-Lukoil refinery in Romania is owned by a subsidiary of Lukoil, one of the large Russian oil companies that was just sanctioned by the Trump administration. The Danube refinery in Hungary receives oil from Russia through the Druzba pipeline and also supplies oil to Slovakia. Assuming that unexplained explosions at two European oil refineries that receive and process Russian oil occurred within a few hours on the very day that the EU moved to ban imports of Russian oil is not a coincidence, the questions of whether it was sabotage and who perpetrated the sabotage arise. Certainly, Russia has no motive to blow up its own oil customers at a time when its oil companies are being sanctioned and its own oil refineries are being targeted by long-range Ukrainian missiles and drones. The Hungarian media has speculated that it is Ukraine that attacked the two European countries. And there is a broad consensus among analysts that Ukraine is the likely source of the attacks. There is also suspicion that Ukraine could not have executed the strikes without American, British, or European assistance. Ukraine has offered no comment on the explosions. The complete omission in the Western media of what could be very consequential attacks on two European countries only fuels the speculation that the West does not want to draw attention to the attacks or to shed light on who did it.  The Danube refinery in Hungary receives its Russian oil via Russia’s Druzba pipeline, which has, itself, been the target of repeated Ukrainian strikes, to the great anger of Hungary. The explosions have created acrimony in Europe, especially between Hungary and Poland, the latter of which is simultaneously refusing to extradite to Germany a Ukrainian citizen who is suspected of playing a role in the blowing up of the Nord Stream pipeline. Poland seemed to celebrate, and even condone, sabotage of Russian pipelines. Radoslaw Silorski, the foreign minister of Poland, posted that he is “proud” that the Polish court “ruled that sabotaging an invader is no crime” and expressed a wish that Russia’s Druzba pipeline would be successfully “knocked out.” Poland’s Prime Minister Donald Tusk added that “the problem of Europe, the problem of Ukraine, the problem of Lithuania and Poland is not that Nord Stream 2 was blown up, but that it was built.” Hungary [FIND A BETTER ATTRIBUTION] responded with outrage at the assertion that “if you don’t like infrastructure in Europe, you can blow it up. With this, they gave advance permission for terrorist attacks in Europe. Poland has not only released but is celebrating a terrorist.” It has not been proven that it is Ukraine who attacked the oil refineries in Hungary and Romania. But the circumstances force the question of whether it is not the false threat of Russia attacking other European countries that is pushed by the Western media that threatens expanding the war to Europe, but the threat of a desperate Ukraine attacking other European countries that is completely ignored by the Western media. The post Did Ukraine Just Quietly Attack Two European Countries? appeared first on The American Conservative.
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5 w

Del Toro Misses the Point of ‘Frankenstein’
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Del Toro Misses the Point of ‘Frankenstein’

Culture Del Toro Misses the Point of ‘Frankenstein’ The newest cinematic adaptation of Mary Shelley’s classic is a purposeless mess. Why mess with perfection? Frankenstein’s monster in Guillermo del Toro’s film adaptation of Mary Shelley’s classic is of course not a monster, but a misunderstood victim of the prejudices of his time—which prejudices is not clearly spelled out. It’s a purposeless mess, albeit beautifully shot.  The story starts at where the book ends, in the Arctic. A Scandinavian captain (British in the book) with a ship stuck in the ice is facing mutiny as he refuses to abandon his mapping mission; he suddenly observes a critically injured Victor Frankenstein in the midst of a tent fire, whom he promptly rescues. Unbeknownst to the captain and his crew, the good count is hunted by the monster that carries his surname, who immediately attacks the ship and kills a fair number of his crew. Bullets fail to have any effect on the creature, who however faces a minor setback and goes down the icy water temporarily when the ice breaks, allowing the crew to take the count in for treatment.  It is then that the first part of the known story begins, as a flashback. The count (Oscar Isaac) explains how his Victorian liberalism stems from his reactionary father (Charles Dance), a notable surgeon who failed to save Victor’s mother. The rest of the movie is an inverse of the book, told from the vantage points of the protagonist and the monster. Victor creates the monster, which turns out to be a dumb goof with learning disabilities. Victor bizarrely begins to hate the monster; at the same time; Victor’s brother’s fiancée (a devastating Mia Goth) absurdly falls in love with it.  Victor tries to kill the monster, but fails, and the monster flees, learns how to speak, and comes back for revenge and desire for a companion. The cycle of violence ends in the monster finding Victor, and Victor forgiving him on top of the ship and dying immediately. The monster leaves, and helps the ship break free of ice, and the captain, bemused at this random turn of events, immediately asks his crew to sail for “home,” all earlier bloviating about “abandoning the mission” notwithstanding.  What is the overarching theme of the film? Clearly, it misunderstands the central dilemma of Victorian morality: a strongly Protestant individual liberalism set against man’s hubris in a changing world, where both faith and sense of community are rapidly collapsing in the light and smoke of industrial science. Misunderstanding this tension renders any adaptation of Victorian literature completely inconsequential.  Frankenstein’s monster was not described as a monster because of prejudice, but because he really was a monster. Created by the hubris of the Victorian scientific man, he was a brute who didn’t have the civilized upbringing necessary to teach him prudence, restraint, morality or manners. In the book, he quite literally murders a woman in his quest to get a companion.  Victor Frankenstein started to hate and fear his own creation because he realized that a mortal creation does not reflect the imago Dei, and never will. The movie bypasses this central theme and reads straight out of the worldview of a rehabilitative-justice–oriented criminal prosecutor from Chicago, Portland, or Seattle. That is fine, but doesn’t quite explain the half-baked plot of the change of heart of Count Frankenstein in the movie. Did he hate his creation because he was slow to learn letters? And did he start to love him because he could form syntactically correct sentences? Barring actual acts of immorality and criminality, the heightened passions demonstrated by the protagonists in the movie defy both cinematic and dramatic logic.  Consider how rapidly society changed between the final days of Napoleon and the final days of Victoria—the transformation from the age of chivalry and sail, symphonies and Shelley, to telegraphs, rail lines, and frontiers, meritocratic imperialism, Charles Darwin, polar adventures, steamships, and Gatling guns. Each of those developments destroyed feudalism and faith incrementally, in what is now considered the first wave of borderless globalization and imperialism. The entire canon of 19th-century science-fiction literature reflects the fears of a society that still carried the fumes of austere, late Protestant morality.  Frankenstein is era-defining; it was the start of a literary trend describing works of scientific hubris resulting in horrors, one that carried on with The Invisible Man, The Strange Case of Doctor Jekyll and Mister Hyde, and The Island of Dr Moreau—each a story of man trying to play God.  In our age of transgender mutilation and body-modification, borderless social media hatred from global subalterns, and state-mandated euthanasia in erstwhile Protestant superpowers that fought against the exact same policies in Nazi Germany a lifetime ago, Frankenstein’s world seems to be positively beatific. The movie is worth watching for camera work, but I’d suggest people read the original book.  The post Del Toro Misses the Point of ‘Frankenstein’ appeared first on The American Conservative.
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5 w

Milei Wins Big for the Argentine Right—and for Trump
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Milei Wins Big for the Argentine Right—and for Trump

Foreign Affairs Milei Wins Big for the Argentine Right—and for Trump But the libertarian president still has a long way to go to Make Argentina Great Again. (Photo by Tomas Cuesta/Getty Images) Javier Milei, Argentina’s eccentric anarcho-capitalist president, has once again defied the odds to claim a surprise victory in Sunday’s midterm elections. The president’s party, La Libertad Avanza (LLA), secured a convincing plurality of 41 percent, handily beating the opposing Peronist coalition Frente de Todos, which claimed only 32 percent of the vote. The victory will more than triple LLA’s presence in the Argentine Congress. Milei picked up 64 seats in the House of Deputies, where LLA currently holds 28 seats, and 13 seats in the Argentine Senate, where LLA holds six. Those additional seats, alongside the congressmen of LLA’s coalition partner Propuesta Republicana (PRO)—the party of former president Mauricio Macri—will be enough to prevent Congress from annulling Milei’s presidential decrees or overriding his vetos. This is a massive step toward securing the president’s economic program, and means that there is no longer any possibility of Milei’s policies being rolled back through legislation, a process the opposition threatened in September. Milei still lacks a majority in either house and will need cooperation from other parties’ representatives to pass legislation, but the president’s unexpected triumph has cemented his political dominance and breathed new life into a political movement that just a few weeks ago appeared to be teetering on the brink, as a passel of scandals and a devastating loss in the important Buenos Aires provincial elections galvanized the opposition and dented Milei’s image as an unstoppable political force. That image has been significantly rehabilitated, as LLA dramatically outperformed polling to have one of the best midterm performances in the past 20 years of Argentine politics. The electorate appears more than willing to overlook Milei’s foibles, given his success in tamping down inflation and putting the country on a more sustainable fiscal footing—a welcome change from decades of Peronist mismanagement. The victory is also a vindication of the Trump administration’s controversial decision to make a major play in support of Milei’s reelection. The U.S. granted Argentina a $20 billion currency swap line to shore up the precarious market for the peso, Secretary of the Treasury Scott Bessent canvassed for private investment for Argentine markets, and Donald Trump personally endorsed Milei and LLA. Trump even went so far as to implicitly threaten the country with a loss of U.S. support if Milei was not reelected: “If he loses, we are not going to be generous with Argentina,” Trump said. The tactics worked, and now Milei owes his “favorite president” no small amount of credit for his successful election—something of which both parties are well aware. “He had a lot of help from us,” Trump told reporters after hearing the election results. “He had a lot of help. I gave him an endorsement, a very strong endorsement.” Overt interference in foreign elections is unusual for the United States, but the Trump administration is pushing forward with new strategies to exert American power in the Western Hemisphere. The administration has used the threat of economic penalties to extract concessions from Mexico, Panama, and Colombia, and is currently conducting a massive military pressure campaign against the Maduro government in Venezuela. Argentina exemplifies the other end of the diplomatic spectrum, empowering friendly governments and rewarding them for cooperating with American interests. (That empowerment always comes at a price, though, and Milei can be sure that he will need to pay the piper sooner or later.) Milei’s strengthened political position bodes well for Argentina’s future, but he and his American backers still have a long way to go to break the country out of its long economic spiral. The biggest challenge confronting him is the infinitely intractable problem of the peso. Milei entered office promising to abolish the country’s central bank and dollarize the Argentine economy, an approach that could potentially damage the competitiveness of Argentina’s export market but would end the chronic high inflation and monetary instability that has plagued the country for decades. But he quickly discovered that Argentina lacks sufficient dollar reserves to service the country’s economy. His compromise solution has been to remove most of the currency controls, which were strangling Argentina’s domestic investment and fostered a massive black market for currency exchange, and move to a “managed float” regime. Under this system, the central bank sets a slowly expanding band of prices between which the peso can be bought and sold freely, and only intervenes when the peso reaches the top or bottom limit of the band. The peso, however, has been sitting at the top of the band since the beginning of September, and the Argentine Central Bank has been forced to spend its precious reserves propping it up. This has reduced inflation by artificially strengthening the currency, but the country’s foreign reserves—which it needs to service its debts—are precariously low, and it will be unable to prop up the currency for much longer. There are no easy solutions to this dilemma for Milei. Devaluing the peso and allowing a true free-floating currency market would remove the necessity of spending down the central bank’s remaining reserves, but could kick-start the inflation he has worked so hard to bring down. Dollarizing the economy is not possible without a significant infusion of cash, and Argentina is already deeply in debt to the IMF. American aid could make it possible, but is the U.S. willing to put billions more into the country? The only other option is a return to currency controls—a prospect which would be tantamount to admitting defeat, and which would likely end any prospect of further libertarian governance, as it did when the former President Mauricio Macri was forced to reimpose currency controls after a failed attempt to rationalize Argentine monetary policy. Milei has plenty of other economic levers to pull. His administration has big plans to rationalize Argentina’s byzantine tax code to promote new business and attract foreign investment, and he’s also expressed a desire to reform the country’s cumbersome labor laws—vast swathes of Argentine economic activity takes place off the books to avoid dealing with the tangle of regulations and entitlements successive Peronist governments have imposed over the years. His program of fiscal reform will continue to whittle away at the wasteful subsidies and excessive government spending that characterize the Argentine welfare system. These programs hold great promise for increasing the dynamism and efficiency of Argentina’s economy, and between the prospects for attracting foreign investment and reforming domestic industry the prospects for growth look bright. But until Milei can create a permanent solution to the country’s currency woes, it will be too early to declare that he has Made Argentina Great Again. The post Milei Wins Big for the Argentine Right—and for Trump appeared first on The American Conservative.
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5 w

“Sort of a trilogy”: The albums Carole King claims exist alongside ‘Tapestry’
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“Sort of a trilogy”: The albums Carole King claims exist alongside ‘Tapestry’

Defining albums. The post “Sort of a trilogy”: The albums Carole King claims exist alongside ‘Tapestry’ first appeared on Far Out Magazine.
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5 w

President Trump Gets the Importance Of AI
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President Trump Gets the Importance Of AI

President Trump Gets the Importance Of AI
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