'Fraud has been proven across the board,' says Flynn.

Tito from Macho Nacho Productions recently posted a video highlighting the latest USB-C capture mod from developer Loopy.  This mod allows for both screens to be “streamed” to a PC via USB-C and can also charge via the same port.  The price is $120 for the kit, or $200 if you send your console to […]

Red Lobster is taking some extreme steps after the chain has taken a hard hit. Continue reading…

It’s an open secret that the Biden administration disdains lawful civilian gun owners almost as much as it does the lawful gun industry. But in case there was any doubt, new gun export regulations published late last month by the Commerce Department’s Bureau of Industry and Security make the administration’s position painfully clear: It doesn’t think ordinary civilians can be trusted with firearms. The interim final rule on gun exports, published April 30, significantly alters licensing policies for U.S. companies seeking to lawfully export guns and ammunition to civilian markets in other countries. And although it doesn’t necessarily affect American gun owners, it does show the Biden administration’s true colors on the natural right of self-defense—but projected into the international arena. Here are four things to know about how the rule attacks the lawful gun industry and civilian gun ownership more broadly. 1. The rule on gun exports has been many months in the making. The Commerce Department’s rule on gun exports appears to be the end result of a much longer plan to attack the lawful gun industry by imposing more stringent processes for gun export licenses. Last fall, Commerce’s Bureau of Industry and Security issued a sudden, largely unexplained 90-day “pause” on issuing new export licenses for guns and ammo meant for foreign civilian markets, while keeping the process unchanged for exports to foreign governments. Despite congressional demands for answers, the bureau extended the pause for several more months even as leaked draft regulations made clear that the Biden administration was in fact looking to make life more complicated for exporters to legal civilian markets. 2. The rule creates a bureaucratic nightmare and expands U.S. world-policing efforts. Among the changes to export licensing rules are some that appear designed to do little more than impose arbitrary burdens on the lawful U.S. gun industry. For example, although U.S. companies currently obtain export licenses that last for four years, under the new rule they will be required to seek a new export license on an annual basis. Additionally, the Bureau of Industry and Security will revoke thousands of currently valid export licenses and require those businesses to reapply under new, more stringent application review processes.  This will inevitably result in licensees being perpetually entangled in bureaucratic red tape, as the Commerce Department agency now will have to process thousands of additional licenses every year without adequate staff, almost ensuring significant backlogs. Other changes found in the rule will increase the federal government’ efforts to police not only civilian gun markets in other countries, but also thousands of individual foreign citizens who legally buy American-made firearms in certain foreign countries. That’s particularly concerning for Israelis who buy U.S. gun exports, as it opens doors for the Biden administration to follow through on threats to their visas if they use firearms in self-defense against terrorists. 3. The rule wrongly blames lawful gun owners for criminal gun trafficking. It creates a list of over 30 countries for which export licenses to civilian end-users will be subjected to a “presumption of denial.” In short, exports to government entities in these countries, such as militaries and police forces, may continue as usual, but the Commerce Department bureau will presumptively deny applications to export guns to civilian markets in those same countries. Many of the countries are located in regions full of instability and notorious for both criminal gun violence and longstanding problems with government corruption, such as Central America, East Africa, and Southeast Asia. The Bureau of Industry and Security defends this change by claiming—erroneously—that firearms lawfully exported to civilians are more likely to be diverted into black markets than firearms lawfully sold to foreign militaries and police agencies. Here, BIS bites hook, line, and sinker into the international gun control narrative that, far from a human right to self-defense, there’s actually a human right to strict gun control. Apparently, the bureau believes even corrupt and inept governments are inherently more trustworthy with American-made guns than are ordinary civilians living under those governments. This is, in a sense, an international projection of the Biden administration’s stance on lawful gun owners in the U.S.—they’re always the ones to blame for criminal violence. In reality, just as studies on gun violence in the United States routinely show that lawful gun owners aren’t the major driving force behind criminal gun violence domestically, studies on crime, violence, and instability in other nations routinely point to government stockpiles and illegal imports—not lawful civilian purchases of legally imported guns—as the primary sources of criminal gun violence. Consider one recent comprehensive analysis of the illicit firearms trade, which asserted that “research in a number of [global] regions has found that military stockpiles are one of the most common sources of weapons” that end up in the hands of criminal actors and terrorists. This seems particularly true in the countries singled out by the new rule for a “presumption of denial” with respect to civilian exports. Contrary to BIS assertions that even corrupt governments are better able than civilians to secure their guns, a 2022 United Nations report on arms trafficking in East Africa concluded that “the diversion of firearms and ammunition from state stockpiles is a significant source of illicit firearms” in the region, “and is often facilitated by corrupt officials with access to weapons stores, including police and military stores, or others under the control of wildlife or custodial services.” Meanwhile, experts in Central American arms trafficking insist that a major part of the problem is “endemic uncertainty” over the inventories and security of state arsenals, and that “[government] weapons are often ‘lost.’” Those “lost” firearms often end up diverted to criminal elements. Other U.N. reports identify the largest sources of illegal firearms in Latin America as being “military and police stockpiles in Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala,” all three of which now have been blacklisted for civilian (but not government) exports. 4. The rule relies on half-truths and misrepresentations. Just as concerning as the Bureau of Industry and Security’s misplaced blame on lawful gun owners is its reliance on half-truths and misrepresentations to justify that blame. BIS relies on two government studies, one by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives and one by the Government Accountability Office, both of which were conducted under a Biden administration that already has shown a propensity for trafficking in bad firearms data. Additionally, the GAO report is essentially an earlier and more time-limited analysis of the same data used in the ATF report, which assessed the origins of crime guns submitted by foreign governments to ATF for tracing. The Bureau of Industry and Security claims that these two reports show that “a substantial number of firearms recovered by foreign law enforcement agencies were lawfully exported from the United States,” including “nearly 20%” of crime-linked guns submitted for tracing in Belize, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, all four of which the new rule puts on the “presumption of denial” list. But this characterization buries the lede: ATF admits in its report that “in many cases, trace requests are not submitted for firearms recovered in the four countries.” In fact, the government of Guatemala only submitted, at best, only 60% to 70% of all recovered guns used in crimes for tracing; the government of Honduras submitted trace requests for just 10% of recovered guns tied to crimes. In other words, lawful U.S. exports didn’t comprise “nearly 20%” of all crime-linked guns in those countries. Rather, the exports accounted for 19% of the 10% of guns for which Honduras requested a trace, and 19% of the 60% to 70% of guns for which Guatemala requested a trace, and so on. Moreover, the GAO report clarifies that the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives lumps all U.S.-sourced exports into one category, regardless of whether they were exports to government or civilian end-users. So that number of 19% includes all lawful exports, including those exported to foreign governments for use by their military or police forces. Yet, despite the weight of the evidence demonstrating that this is largely a problem with government corruption and ineptitude, Commerce’s Bureau of Industry and Security flippantly places the blame squarely on the shoulders of civilian buyers. The alternative intuitively makes more sense, given how incredibly difficult it is for ordinary civilians to legally obtain firearms in many of these countries in the first place. In Papua New Guinea, for example, gun owners must obtain a license for every firearm, which will be issued only for “substantial cause” and expire after one year. Illegal possession of a firearm carries a sentence of up to 50 years in prison. Meanwhile, in Panama, applicants for a gun license must submit certification from a licensed psychologist verifying their mental and emotional stability, pass a drug test, and complete a government-certified shooting range exam proving proficiency with the specific type of gun for which the permit is sought. Additionally, for nearly a decade between 2011 and 2020, Panama’s  government imposed a complete ban on the importation of firearms for civilian use, causing the price even of used guns on the lawful civilian market to skyrocket to as high as $3,500 in U.S. currency. The civilian market in that country remains incredibly limited and expensive. Realistically, what reason is there to believe that gun exports to civilians in these countries are truly to blame for any illicit arms trafficking? Ordinary, law-abiding civilians who are willing to jump through incredibly expensive and time-consuming hoops just to possess a firearm—and who face lengthy criminal sanctions for minor missteps—typically are invested in acting responsibly and maintaining physical possession of their firearms. Now a bureau of the Commerce Department is willing to draw a conclusion contrary to all rationality and the best available evidence. Why? Because it simply cannot fathom that ordinary civilians are less at fault for international arms trafficking than corrupt and inept governments. Few seriously doubt that there are, at times, circumstances where U.S. security interests might require us to reevaluate and scrutinize gun exports to certain countries. In a sane world, we could have those discussions without fear that they’d devolve into bad-faith attacks on the merits of civilian gun ownership. Instead, we have an administration that believes, fundamentally, that only governments should be trusted with guns. And the administration is willing to push this narrative with as many manipulated half-truths as necessary to undermine civilian owners—apparently both here and abroad. The post 4 Things to Know About Biden’s Latest Attack on Gun Ownership and Firearms Industry appeared first on The Daily Signal.

Democrats are planning to make at least part of their national convention virtual to avoid a repeat of the disastrous 1968 convention in Chicago, according to Politico Magazine. There are at least a half-dozen parallels between the party's 1968 presidential convention and the one this summer, including the host city...

L-R: Perry Steed, Jason Conyers, and Bruce Knobloch getting in some practice miles before their Ride for Light to raise awareness of veteran suicide. Just because his first mission is complete doesn’t mean the battle is over for Perry Steed. In May 2022, the former Army paratrooper set out on his first Ride for Light, hitting 48 states on his BMW R 1200 GS and carrying the ashes of two brothers in arms. His goal was to raise awareness for the issue of veteran suicide. Two years later, Steed is taking a second Ride for Light, but this time, he’s kicking it up a notch, taking the show on the road – or more appropriately, making the road into a show. Related: Veteran Takes a 15,000-mile ‘Ride for Light’ The 2024 Ride for Light will still be under the banner of Operation: Purpose, the 501(c)(3) that Steed set up to foster and nurture a community of veterans in Wilmington, North Carolina, which has a large military population. However, the ride itself is more about the larger epidemic of veteran suicide. And this time, Steed won’t be riding alone. “We’re a blended crew this year,” he told me. “I’ve got my battle buddy who I actually grew up with. He and I joined the Army within a couple of days of each other. We had the same job, went through basic training and AIT (advanced individual training) together, and were at Fort Bragg together.” L-R: Perry Steed, Bruce Knobloch, and Jason Conyers. Steed said Bruce Knobloch came to see him the night Steed’s oldest child was born, but after that the two men lost track of each other for almost 19 years until reconnecting this past summer. Knobloch has been a motorcycle enthusiast for 20 years. When the two met up after all those years and the 2022 Ride for Light came up in conversation, Knobloch told Steed that he would’ve gone along if he had known about it. “I told him, ‘Well, I’m doing it again.’” The other addition to the crew is cinematographer Jason Conyers. “When I got back from my 2022 ride, I joined the American Legion and became a Legion Rider because they really showed up and supported me,” Steed said, adding that one of the Legion Riders he met was Conyers, who was out of the Navy and had a film studies degree. “I was telling him what I was wanting to do, and he’s like, ‘Well, I’ll go with you, and I’ll document the whole thing.’” Steed tapped some of his other resources, including a film studies professor at the University of Colorado and an art director for North Carolina PBS, who told him that once a documentary gets on one PBS station, the other states will pick it up. “Of course, I gotta be censored a little bit,” Steed said. “I can’t just let it fly, but that’s fine.” The 2024 Ride for Light began taking shape. There was just one glitch. On the 2022 Ride for Light, Steed had taken several opportunities to ride his GS off-road. This was something he wanted to do even more for the 2024 ride. When it came to Knobloch, Steed said if there was anyone in the high school yearbook with the caption “Least likely to own a Harley-Davidson,” it would’ve been Knobloch, yet that’s all he had owned since. He recently traded a CVO Street Glide for a Pan America.  However, Conyers had a Low Rider. “I told him, ‘You ain’t going with me on that bike.’” Unsure what to do, Steed got on a call with a guy he met through some restoration work Steed had done on a 1961 BMW R50S. He told Steed “consider me a friend” and offered up business advice. 1961 BMW R50S restored by Perry Steed. “I needed someone who was not close to me that I could run some of this shit by, because everything I say, people are like ‘Yeah, man, that’s a great idea.’ I know not all my ideas are great, and I need someone who will tell me, ‘That’s freakin’ stupid.’” During the phone call with Sean Slovenski, Steed explained Operation: Purpose and the Ride for Light, and in a stroke of good fortune, Slovenski donated two bikes: a 2010 BMW R 1200 GS with just 15,000 miles on it and a 2009 BMW R 1200 RT. “He said, ‘Do whatever you want with the bikes,’” Steed said, adding that Slovenski recognized that the RT didn’t necessarily fit with the trip. Slovenski told Steed he could sell it to help fund the trip and that Conyers could ride the GS. Related: Perry Steed | Ep. 52 Rider Magazine Insider Podcast With the bikes lined up, the trio set a launch date for May 18 from Beaufort, South Carolina, after they attend an event with Operation Patriots FOB, a veterans and first responders support group. Working with Bruce on his bike, adding Denali D7 lights and a few other parts before the trip. Steed told me the plans for the ride with a mix of excitement and reverence for the places they’ll be riding and visiting. They’ll start with the South Carolina Adventure Route – or SCAR. “We’re gonna ride part of that from Beaufort up to Suches, Georgia, and then we’ll head backcountry through Tennessee and Kentucky to get up to Louisville,” he said, adding that the good thing about the SCAR for someone without a lot of off-road riding experience like Conyers is that it’s mostly just two-lane road. “There’s some dirt and gravel, but nothing crazy.” However, he said the real exciting part will be the BLM land out West. Jason’s BMW GS in a little deeper than expected. “You know, really getting off the beaten path, out to where there’s no lights, no light pollution, and it’s just us out there. Three guys, talking smack and eating and sleeping under the stars.” As for their on-road plans, Steed said they intend to visit a variety of places, from veterans cemeteries to a speaking engagement at an American Legion nursing home in Minnesota to the location of a large parcel of land that is being turned into a veterans retreat by a family who lost their son to suicide. As with the first trip, they’ll be carrying the ashes of veterans. “There’s a really horrible statistic that I want to lay on you that will blow your mind,” Steed told me. “There’s over 3,000 unclaimed veteran remains every year. A lot of these guys – very often Vietnam vets – through whatever happens, when they die, no one is able to locate the next of kin.” Steed said there is a nonprofit organization in Wilmington called Veterans Memorial Reef that takes ashes and inters them in an artificial reef 5 miles offshore. “I told them I would pick up whatever I can carry along the ride. So I’m leaving room on my bike for that.” But as Steed said in 2022, this isn’t a trip about death. It’s a trip about life, so along the way, they’ll make “buddy checks” with as many other veterans as possible, spreading hope, love, and camaraderie.   That’s the most important aspect of the ride, and Steed said even if they don’t end up making a documentary, he just wants to get these two other guys out on road. When I first connected with Steed in 2022, he was already a couple months into his ride and had stopped in Mexican Hat, a small town in southeastern Utah that was a favorite place of his father-in-law, an important figure in Steed’s life. When I called him this time around to talk about Ride for Light 2024, he said that just the night before, he had been replaying in his head that conversation we had almost two years ago. “I was thinking about where I was at. I see constant reminders when I’m in my office, these little mementos from my trip, and I remember exactly where I was.” Steed said that Conyers has been fortunate in that he’s done a few cross-country trips – but not Knobloch. “Every veteran needs to see and experience what they fought to preserve,” he said. “I need to get these guys out on the road…and get myself back out there too.” To learn more about the Ride for Light 2024 or to donate to the cause, visit the Operation: Purpose website or follow on Facebook. Resources: If you or someone you know is in danger because of suicidal thoughts or actions, call 911 immediately. Suicide is an emergency that requires help by trained medical professionals and should always be treated seriously. Nationwide suicide hotlines, 1-800-SUICIDE (1-800-784-2433) and 1-800-273-TALK (8255), have counselors available 24/7. Other resources include Suicide.org, the American Foundation for Suicide Prevention, and the American Association of Suicidology. All provide comprehensive information and help on the issue of suicide, from prevention to treatment to coping with loss. The post Steed Rides Again for Veteran Suicide – This Time with a Crew appeared first on Rider Magazine.