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LEGO Advertising Pride With Drag Queens and Furry Figures

One of the rarest cats in the world, the Iberian lynx was once on the brink of extinction. Now, thanks to intense conservation efforts, they’ve clawed their way back from being classed as an endangered species to a vulnerable one.The change in status was announced by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), which has a “Red List” that acts as an information source on the extinction risk status of animals across the world. According to the IUCN, the number of adult Iberian lynx has shot up from just 62 in 2001 to 648 in 2022.Iberian lynxes were once far more widespread across the Iberian Peninsula, playing a carefully balanced role in the ecosystem as predators. However, with the 20th century came decades of hunting and loss of habitat to agricultural land, to the point where at the start of the new millennia, only two isolated breeding populations remained in southern Spain.Then, in the early 2000s, a concerted effort began between governments and non-governmental organizations to bring the cats back from the brink of extinction. This involved bumping up the numbers of its primary prey, the European rabbit – which is also endangered, making this a 2-for-1 conservation situation, despite the bunnies getting, y’know, gobbled up – bringing their scrubland and forested habitats back to life, and cracking down on hunting and road safety.As a result, the Iberian lynx has expanded its territory from just 449 square kilometers (279 square miles) in 2005 to at least 3,320 square kilometers (2,063 square miles) to date, and with the help of breeding programs, the total population is now estimated to be over 2,000.“The significant recovery of the Iberian lynx demonstrates that even the most threatened species can be brought back from the brink of extinction through committed, science-based conservation action and provides hope for those working to protect wildlife across the globe,” said Sarah Durant, a professor at The Zoological Society of London’s Institute of Zoology, in a statement.But while the change in status of this distinctive cat species is a good sign, the Iberian lynx isn’t out of the woods just yet. That’s largely due to diseases threatening both the lynxes and their prey, but also the looming impact of climate change and illegal poaching.“There is still a lot of work to do to ensure that Iberian lynx populations survive and the species recovers throughout its indigenous range,” said Francisco Javier Salcedo Ortiz, coordinator of the LIFE Lynx-Connect project, which led the conservation action. “Looking ahead, there are plans to reintroduce the Iberian lynx to new sites in central and northern Spain.”There is hope that, all being well, the Iberian lynx could become one of the greatest conservation and recovery stories yet, with the IUCN stating that “enough suitable habitat remains that the species could reach Fully Recovered status in 100 years”.

Before you continue reading, I would like you to empty your pockets of the excuses you regularly rely on for sitting on the sidelines instead of acting. Put them on the table and let them out of the shadows where truth and courage often go to die. Then ask yourself how they hold up to the example of a state senator from southeast Iowa.That would be Adrian Dickey, who has made the two-hour drive to Des Moines on a handful of occasions this month — “Pride Month” — to raise the American flag over the entrance of the veteran’s hospital. It’s a pilgrimage he began last June when it was brought to his attention that instead of the stars and stripes, the satanic abomination known as the Pride flag was being raised despite complaints from veterans.The simps who run the VA, even in a homespun red state like Iowa, know who their true master is. And they will obey accordingly.Dickey would drive, often in the middle of the night or early morning hours, to raise the American flag and then turn around and go the two hours home only to be told it was taken back down. So, he did it again. And again. Until finally last year, the officials at the VA waved the white flag and kept both flags on the pole.That was then. This year — and hold on tight now to your Beelzebub hat to find out just how deep the Romans 1 mind rot of the federal government currently goes — the staff at the Des Moines veteran’s hospital removed the flagpole itself to head Dickey off at the pass. He called the VA to find out what was going on after showing up with a flag on June 1, and they told him they “thought it would be easier than having to fight with me.”Still undeterred, Dickey decided that two could play that game. So, this year he has been bringing an entire flagpole with him as his righteous road trips have continued. Again and again. Along with a plaque that says the following:This flagpole was placed on June 6, 2024, by Senator Adrian Dickey, Packwood, for his humble appreciation of the sacrifices that the men and women made 80 years ago today as they invaded the beaches of Normandy and for EVERY soldier who has used this facility in the years since. These soldiers are who Made America GREAT! But the new poles and the plaque have been taken down as well, until finally the VA henchmen put a cable lock through the base so that Dickey would have to relent. Instead, he just found a narrower pole that would still do the trick.At which point VA officials, instead of simply allowing the American flag to fly during Pride Month, dug out the entire flagpole footing from the ground. You read that right. The spirit of the age takes its unholy month very, very seriously. You will be made to care.They say the flag is flying on a different pole elsewhere on the grounds to be compliant with federal law. But as for the main entrance where the veterans who fought and bled for their country enter every day in June, it must be the Pride flag or nothing at all.“I thought that was pretty appalling,” Dickey said. “There is just no reason for this stupidity.”He’s correct, of course. But we are way beyond reason here, because we are as east of Eden as we can get. We are openly promoting darkness now. The simps who run the VA, even in a homespun red state like Iowa, know who their true master is. And they will obey accordingly.Nevertheless, Dickey plans on continuing the two-hour drive to Des Moines this month to plunge a four-foot pole with a flag on it into the earth if need be. He’s spurred on by the memory of two veterans who thanked him last summer for what he was doing and how seeing the Pride flag waving over the VA hospital left them feeling “humiliated.”Which brings us back to the beginning. How do your excuses look now, the ones you dust off when you don’t want to go to the school board meeting to fight the groomers because they might call you names and make you miss part of the game? Why don’t you feel humiliated for not doing the bare minimum required of you as a citizen before the lights get turned off permanently on this once great republic?They can’t stop all of us, if only we follow Adrian Dickey’s lead. Pick a fight. Get in the car. Drive. Plant the flag. And remember your Churchill: “Never, ever, ever give up.”Or else.

Charles LipsonDonald Trump is a master showman and marketer. He demonstrated those skills once again with his proposal to kill the tax on tips. It’s more than shrewd. It’s brilliant. After the hoorays from waiters and other service workers died down, political analysts weighed in. Their conclusion: This is a very smart way to gain an edge in Nevada, where the presidential race is close. That’s certainly true. But Trump’s proposal is much smarter and will have a bigger impact, not because of its impact on tips, as such, but because of the larger signal it sends. That signal says to lower-income workers across the country, “I understand your struggles, and I’m with you.” Try as they might, Democrats cannot convince voters that Trump is Richie Rich, that he looks down on them, or wants to line his friends’ pockets at their expense.Trump’s proposal says that loud and clear. It is both a blow to the IRS (who doesn’t like that?) and a tangible demonstration of how the former president connects to everyday working people. That’s a much broader cohort than the folks who rely on tips. President Biden has emphasized his own connection to working people. He does it every time he calls himself “Scranton Joe” and says he was raised by every group in town except the Hmong and aboriginal Australians. (Those groups surely would be included if they had enough voters in swing states.) This contest for the allegiance of the working class is central to American politics and has been since the days of Andrew Jackson. They have been central to the Democratic Party’s coalition since Franklin Roosevelt’s re-election in 1936. FDR solidified the party’s coalition. Every successful Democrat on the national level since then has counted on the working-class vote — and the ones who didn’t (most notably Adlai Stevenson in 1956 and George McGovern in 1972) lost in landslides. Ronald Reagan, who’d been a New Deal Democrat as a young man, mounted a frontal assault against the FDR alliance and launched a long-term shift in the process. Donald Trump has gone farther. He has captured that constituency among whites, competes for them among Hispanics, and is eroding it, at least slightly, among black men. That shift in all three groups could have a huge impact in the swing states of Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Nevada, and Arizona. This year’s election may well hinge on them, and even slight changes could alter the outcome. Trump’s challenge to the heart of the old Democratic coalition is part of a larger realignment in American voting patterns. That realignment is obvious in the wealthy suburbs, which have gradually switched from moderate Republican to moderate Democrat. The wedge issue there is the Republican Party’s social conservatism, which alienates more than it resonates with in those areas. The suburbs are up for grabs this year because of weak economic performance, persistent problems with public schools (which are linked to Democrats because of the party’s bond with teachers’ unions), and the Democratic Party’s move much farther left. No matter how the suburbs vote this year, though, their longer-term shift is clear. An equally clear shift in the opposite direction is happening in working-class neighborhoods. Chicagoans call them the “bungalow belt.” They were once occupied by immigrants from Eastern Europe. They are now the home of second- and third-generation Mexican-Americans, Puerto Ricans, and pilgrims from Central America. Trump is emerging as an unlikely champion of that constituency. He knows they don’t want ideological indoctrination in public schools or control by teachers’ unions instead of parents. They want cheaper energy a lot more than they want electric vehicles, which are too expensive. And they damn sure don’t want some bureaucrat in Bethesda telling them they can’t cook on a gas stove. They recoil at the idea of non-elected officials pushing that agenda down their throats. Their resistance is part of a broader, more populist movement. It’s much different from the traditional constituency behind the Republican push for lower taxes and less regulation. That old constituency is no longer in the control of the party. Trump’s leadership makes that clear. It doesn’t seem to be clear to Democratic campaign consultants, though. They are saying what they always have: “Republicans are just out to help the rich.” It’s not working this year. Why not? Because Donald J. Trump is not George H.W. Bush, and Trump’s party is not Bush’s. Try as they might, Democrats cannot convince voters that Trump is Richie Rich, that he looks down on them, or wants to line his friends’ pockets at their expense. Democrats can’t make those labels stick to today’s Republican Party, either. It has become a populist, working-class party — and voters can see it. Democrats respond that Trump is a billionaire. He is, of course, but that label hasn’t damaged him for a couple of reasons. The first is his personality. He effectively presents himself as an ordinary guy who connects easily with ordinary people. He knows how to entertain them and demonstrates it every time he walks on stage. Second, he didn’t make his money as a banker, stock trader, or middleman. He did something tangible working people can relate to: he built buildings. They may have been high-income residences and golf clubs, but those are Trump’s consumers, not Trump himself. It is simply impossible to label the former president as a country club Republican who looks down on the peasantry. Voters certainly don’t think see him that way. A lot of them think, “Hey, he’s doing just what I’d do if I had his money. I’d fly in my own plane, put my name on it, and eat as many Big Macs as I want. And I would tip the poor guy or gal who works behind the counter. What a lousy job.” That brings us to the cherry on top of Trump’s “no tax on tips” idea. He’s telling people to write that message on their bills when they pay them. That’s another ingenious ploy. It directly engages consumers (who are voters, of course) and lets them demonstrate their support for both service workers and Trump. Who doesn’t want to put in a kind word for the people serving them? Trump has not only made that easy to do, he’s made it clear that doing so puts the consumer on his side. They don’t have to wear a MAGA hat to do it. It’s a small ball in a bigger game. But it will matter if the election is close. And it demonstrates, once again, why Trump’s intuitive grasp of marketing and glad-hand showmanship give him a huge advantage. His challenge now is to stay disciplined and not shoot himself in the tip. This article was originally published by RealClearPolitics and made available via RealClearWire. Charles Lipson is Peter B. Ritzma Professor Emeritus of Political Science at the University of Chicago and co-founder and director of its Program on International Politics, Economics, and Security. He is a regular contributor to RealClearPolitics, SpectatorWorld, and other publications.