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Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
1 y

How will Trump reduce government spending?
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How will Trump reduce government spending?

Follow NewsClips channel at Brighteon.com for more updatesSubscribe to Brighteon newsletter to get the latest news and more featured videos: https://support.brighteon.com/Subscribe.html
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1 y

Gen. Keane highlights ‘reality’ of Biden’s foreign policy mishaps
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Gen. Keane highlights ‘reality’ of Biden’s foreign policy mishaps

Follow NewsClips channel at Brighteon.com for more updatesSubscribe to Brighteon newsletter to get the latest news and more featured videos: https://support.brighteon.com/Subscribe.html
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1 y

America Is to Blame for the Failure of Russia–Ukraine Negotiations
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America Is to Blame for the Failure of Russia–Ukraine Negotiations

Foreign Affairs America Is to Blame for the Failure of Russia–Ukraine Negotiations More details keep coming out about the collapse of the Istanbul talks. Credit: photowalking Ukraine is in trouble. The Russian armed forces are advancing across eastern Ukraine. From Velyka Novosilka and Vhuledar in the south, to Kurakhove and Pokrovsk in the center and Toretsk and Chasiv Yar in the north, heavily fortified cities and crucial logistical hubs are being encircled, conquered, and bypassed, jeopardizing the Ukrainian armed force’s ability to supply its troops by road or rail and leaving larging undefended fields to the west for Russian troops to flow over as they capture the Donbas region of Ukraine. In the second half of 2024, Russia captured 3,600 square kilometers of land, with 1,500 being captured in October and November alone. The dangerous trend is continuing. More crucial than the loss of land is the attrition of weapons, and more worrisome still is the loss of lives. By some not unreasonable estimates, between 500,000 and 600,000 Ukrainian soldiers have been killed or wounded, and at least 100,000 more have deserted.  But it need not have been like this. In the first days and weeks after Russia invaded Ukraine, there was a window of opportunity for a negotiated settlement in which Ukraine could have lost no further territory and few lives. But while the U.S. continued to press the war in pursuit of its own foreign policy priorities, including the assertion of the right of NATO to expand as far as it likes, including right up to Russia’s borders, it made the public case that the war was justified because Russia had invaded a sovereign country. However, as Tim Hayward and Piers Robinson argue in their chapter in the new book Media, Dissidence and the War in Ukraine, a just war requires more than a just cause. For a war to be just, it also needs to be “the last resort after all other means of resolving a conflict have been exhausted.” For the war with Russia to be a just war, diplomacy with Russia needs to have been explored, attempted and exhausted. It was not. When the bilateral talks between Ukraine and Russia in Istanbul bore the promise of a negotiated settlement and even produced an initial draft agreement, instead of encouraging and fully exploring diplomacy, the U.S. and its Western partners discouraged the talks. How do we know? Because negotiators and officials from Ukraine and its Western partners who were there tell us so. The list of witnesses is growing, with the latest testimonies coming from Swiss, Ukrainian and American officials. In March and April of 2022, Ukrainian and Russian officials met in Istanbul where they negotiated and initialed a “draft peace treaty.” Oleksiy Arestovych, a former Advisor to the Office of the President of Ukraine and a member of the Ukrainian negotiating team in Istanbul, has even added the previously unreported detail that Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky and Russia’s President Vladimir Putin were scheduled to meet on April 9 and a ceasefire was to take place. But instead of nurturing that promise of peace, the U.S. discouraged it. “There are countries within NATO who want the war to continue,” Turkey’s then Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said. They want to “let the war continue and Russia get weaker.” And Cavusoglu is not the only Turkish official to offer that diagnosis of the Turkish brokered talks. Numan Kurtulmus, the deputy chairman of Erdogan’s ruling party, said, “In certain matters, progress was made, reaching the final point, then suddenly we see that the war is accelerating… Someone is trying not to end the war. The United States sees the prolongation of the war as its interest… There are those who want this war to continue… Putin-Zelensky was going to sign, but someone didn’t want to.” Other mediators of the talks have said the same. At the request of Zelensky, then Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett played a role in mediating the talks. According to Bennett, the U.S. “blocked” the talks. Germany’s former Chancellor Gerhard Schröder was also asked by Kiev to play a role in mediating the Istanbul talks, and he provides the same account. Schröder says that “nothing could happen because everything else was decided in Washington… [T]he Ukrainians did not agree to peace because they were not allowed to. They first had to ask the Americans about everything they discussed.” Members of Ukraine’s negotiating team have also confirmed the claim. Ukrainska Pravda reported that on April 9, 2022, then British Prime Minister Boris Johnson hurried to Kiev to tell Zelensky that Putin “should be pressured, not negotiated with” and that, even if Ukraine was ready to sign some agreements with Russia, “the West was not.” Davyd Arakhamiia, who led the Ukrainian negotiating team in Istanbul, has confirmed that Western interference: “When we returned from Istanbul, Boris Johnson came to Kiev and said that we would not sign anything with them at all, and let’s just fight.” Arestovych has expressed skepticism that Johnson would have interfered in that way without his signals coming from Washington. Arakhamiia has also said that the West “actually advised us not to go into ephemeral security guarantees.” Some have attributed Ukraine’s pulling out of the talks to their horror at Russian atrocities in Bucha. But on April 5, 2022, the day after Zelensky visited Bucha, though he told Ukrainian journalists that what happened in Bucha was “unforgivable” and will make “the possibility of negotiations… a challenge,” he added that, even after Bucha, “you have to do it. I think that we have no other choice.”  Samuel Charap and Sergey Radchenko report that, after the discovery at Bucha in early April, “the two sides continued to work around the clock on a treaty that Putin and Zelensky were supposed to sign during a summit to be held in the not-too-distant future,” suggesting that it was not Bucha that terminated the talks. Drafts of the treaty were still being worked on by the two sides as late as April 12 and April 15, ten days after Zelensky had visited Bucha. Arestovych has recently revealed that the talks actually continued to as late as May 17. Charap and Radchenko say that the talks not only continued after the discovery at Bucha, they “even intensified.” They conclude that the discovery of atrocities at Bucha were no more than “a secondary factor in Kyiv’s decision-making” about aborting the talks. In addition to Arestovych’s recent testimony, recent support comes from American officials and, even more recently, from Swiss officials. Victoria Nuland, the former undersecretary of state for political affairs who, as point woman on the Obama State Department’s Ukraine policy, has had a hand in the conflict in Ukraine going back to the 2014 coup, has now implied that the U.S. was actively involved in killing the negotiations in Istanbul. The New York Times in June reported that “American officials were alarmed at the terms” and patronizingly asked the Ukrainians, who had agreed to those terms, whether they “understand this is unilateral disarmament.” Nuland confirmed this reporting. According to Nuland, the negotiations fell apart when the Ukrainians asked for advice, and “people outside Ukraine,” that is, in the United States, questioned whether the agreement was a good deal. Charap and Radchenko also report that “a former U.S. official who worked on Ukraine policy at the time” told them that, faced with concerns about the draft treaty, “instead of embracing the Istanbul communiqué and the subsequent diplomatic process, the West ramped up military aid to Kyiv.” The most recent testimony comes from Jean-Daniel Ruch, the Swiss ambassador to Turkey during the talks. Ruch was in Turkey at the time to consult on the idea of neutrality for Ukraine.  Ruch agrees with other officials who were there, like Bennet and Schröder, that “the West pulled the plug on the negotiations that were on the edge of leading to a ceasefire.”  Ruch mourns that “We had the opportunity to stop a war…. So, why did all these people die? And this really got to me. I found that there was something deeply immoral in the decisions that were taken in London, in Washington, in Kiev… because we had a ceasefire close at hand, and then it’s the Americans, with their British allies, who said no.” Like the Turkish officials, Ruch reports that “the chief negotiator told me, you know, I’m not optimistic because there are some great powers that have a global agenda and that are in no hurry to put an end to this war.” To be justified, a war requires not only a just cause, but to be the last resort after all peaceful means have been exhausted. But rather than encouraging and exploring the significant diplomatic progress that had been made between Ukraine and Russia, the U.S discouraged it, “blocked” it, “pulled the plug on the negotiations” and said “no.”  It is possible that, before the war reached its current horrific loss of lives, there could have been peace in Ukraine. But, as the roster of witnesses grows, the case against America’s contribution to the continuation of the war grows stronger. The post America Is to Blame for the Failure of Russia–Ukraine Negotiations appeared first on The American Conservative.
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The Brewing Eastern European Crisis
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The Brewing Eastern European Crisis

Foreign Affairs The Brewing Eastern European Crisis Tiny Moldova could severely complicate Trump’s plans for Europe. Credit: Duku Radianoff/Shutterstock Recent news that the previously existing five-year gas transit deal between Russia and Ukraine is now ending will have a number of important geopolitical consequences for the region in general and the ongoing war specifically. One of the most worrying is the likelihood that the already fraught relationship between Moldova and the breakaway separatist state commonly referred to as Transnistria will be further disturbed.  If the situation is not resolved in the near future, the possibility of yet another escalation in the Russo–Ukrainian war, perhaps even leading to the opening of a new front, will increase significantly. Such an outcome would not only harm the prospects for an impending ceasefire in the short-term, but could also serve to weaken the U.S. geopolitical position in general. Transnistria (officially known as the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic) is situated in the easternmost territory of Moldova, bordering Ukraine to its east. It has a population of almost 400,000, and its establishment followed the dissolution of the USSR. In the face of the new independence movements and the revival of ethnic nationalism within the separate republics of the Soviet Union, the ethnic Russian majority of the region refused to accept Chisinau’s political authority. Transnistria’s leadership initially attempted to carve out a separate Soviet Socialist Republic in anticipation of Moldova’s impending break from Moscow and potential union with Romania. War eventually broke out in 1992, with Russia backing the separatists. The end result was the establishment of Pridnestrovie, and the territory has maintained a presence of Russian troops ever since. The halt of Russian gas flowing westward to Moldova through Ukraine due to the expiration of the transit deal threatens to cause a crisis for a number of reasons. For one, Transnistria supplies the majority of all of Moldova’s electricity generation through the Russian natural gas-fueled Cuciurgan power station. Chisinau says that it will cut its energy consumption by up to a third, and will also be able to replace the majority of its lost capacity with imports from Romania and Ukraine. Nevertheless, Russia continues to target the latter’s energy infrastructure in order to undermine Kiev’s war effort, and the reliability of Ukraine as an alternative source for Moldova’s depleted capacity seems questionable.  The larger danger concerns Transnistria itself. The supply of heavily discounted Russian gas was predicated on Tiraspol’s (Transnistria’s capital) relationship with Moscow, and the separatist region is already reported to have begun suffering from cuts in production. The power station has claimed that it can switch to coal rather than gas for electricity generation, but reports suggest there are only enough coal supplies to continue this process for about 50 more days, at which point the Transnistria region will face a real crisis. This risks providing Russia with a pretext to launch some type of ostensibly humanitarian intervention in the region as a part of ongoing military operations against Ukraine.  There would be major strategic implications of such a move. Many have speculated in the past about Russia’s desire to form a land bridge to Transnistria. Such a result would put the entire northern coast of the Black Sea, including the major port city of Odessa, under Russian control. Whether or not such a situation would actually develop remains to be seen. Conquering the entire Black Sea coast and taking the heavily fortified city of Odessa would be no easy task, demanding a significant amount of time and resources. Still, Moscow may calculate that the Ukrainian defense cannot last much longer, regardless of Western supplied arms and materiel. Even if the intention is not to actually seize additional territory along the coast, its intervention in Transnistria would significantly alter the strategic dynamic of the conflict and add yet another complicating factor in eventual peace negotiations.  Furthermore, Moldova—besides not being a NATO member state—is undergoing something of a political crisis of its own. A highly contested presidential election in November saw the country close to evenly divided between a very pro-EU incumbent and a pro-Russia opposition candidate. The former’s narrow victory came only thanks to hundreds of thousands of diaspora votes. Both sides have claimed foul play.  Moldovans are also divided about their country’s relationship with Russia. Moscow’s recent decision to halt natural gas supplies to Moldova due to outstanding debt payments to Gazprom (the Russian oil company owns 50 percent of Moldova’s primary gas company, Moldovagaz) has threatened further crisis in the country. Chisinau subsequently moved to nationalize Moldovagaz, but it is very questionable whether this move will be able to ensure a stable supply, let alone seriously affect the looming rise in energy prices. Impending public discontent may subsequently provide ripe conditions for Russia to move into Transnistria. This possible course of events is important for the Trump administration to consider not only because of its likelihood to complicate peace negotiations in the short term, but also due to the fact that this would significantly alter the balance of power in the region. As of right now, Russian forces are grinding down Ukrainian resistance across the entire line of contact in eastern Ukraine. The Kremlin considers it to be a strategic imperative to secure its annexation of the four eastern oblasts—Lugansk, Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson, in addition to Crimea—due to both national security considerations and domestic political concerns. Yet establishing a peace based on the currently existing line of contact is still feasible. There is also room for negotiation to alter administrative borders in a way that does not require Kiev simply ceding the remainder of unoccupied Russian territory in the four eastern oblasts. For instance, Kherson city lies on the other side of the Dnieper and could easily remain under Ukrainian control. The same is true of territory in Zaporizhzhia oblast, as well as the currently Russian-controlled Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant.  Supporters of Ukraine may lament the need for such a compromise—and Trump is indeed correct that the war never should have happened, and could have almost certainly been prevented through better statesmanship and less ideological fervor—but negotiating based on the present circumstances can nonetheless allow for a stable situation to form in the region that will simultaneously balance against Russia while also ensuring Moscow that its stated security interests are ensured. This would not be the case if Russia launches an intervention into Transnistria and effectively splits Moldova. Besides allowing Moscow to project greater force into the Black Sea region (with or without seeking to occupy more Ukrainian territory on the north coast), Russia could also be enticed by the economic prospect of additional investment in Transnistria. This could even include a pipeline directly to the region that could subsequently expand further west. This is an important prospect as recent EU action has undermined the general energy stability of the region. The expiration of the gas transit deal and the desire of the EU to cut the Eastern and Central European countries off from cheap Russian energy is sowing discord and subsequent backlash. Slovakia’s Prime Minister Robert Fico is leading the charge by going to Moscow to meet with Putin and objecting to the Western refusal to enter negotiations. Despite the unprecedented annulment of Romania’s recent election results, the opposition challenger who initially won before the court intervened also partially based his platform on tempering his country’s support of Ukraine. These politicians are responding to growing public sentiment in favor of diplomacy. European dependence on U.S. LNG may be immediately good for America in terms of revenue, but a degree of balance should be considered. For one, American energy dominance on the continent is likely to ensue regardless due to increased production under the Trump administration. But leaving those countries with no other choice will unnecessarily roil political temperatures. Additionally, the immediate cutoff of cheap Russian gas will have an inflationary effect due to diminished overall supply that will increase prices even in the United States. Too strict an approach also risks leading to greater dependency and even political alignment with Russia for peripheral EU and NATO states like Slovakia and Hungary in return for access to inexpensive Russian energy.  One way to mitigate this unnecessary tension could be to work out a new transit agreement as a part of eventual peace negotiations. This would have the upside of bargaining for greater transit fees and discounted oil for Ukraine, in addition to supporting the already proposed, if more gradual transition to American LNG.  Even with the four eastern oblasts in Ukraine, Russia does still not have the capabilities necessary to significantly threaten the security situation further west in Europe. But creating conditions for a stronger relationship between Russia and Europe would potentially alter the balance of power in the region against the current interests of the United States. The control of resources and increased ability for projection that would be awarded to Moscow by such a scenario provide it with a potentially dangerous amount of leverage. This is especially true given Russia’s increasing strategic cooperation with China. Reaching a deal that simultaneously allows for Russia to feel that its long-term security will be assured while also deterring Moscow from any further move West, whether in Ukraine or elsewhere, is the best course of action for the incoming administration. The most secure outcome would be some type of de-facto non-aligned status for Ukraine; such a secure yet neutral country can then maintain good relations both with Russia, as well as Europe and the United States.  There is still hope that Ukraine can fulfill the function of a bridge between East and West. A renewal of diplomatic communication with Moscow is needed to address a host of issues related to international security, such as cooperating against dangerous non-state actors and lowering the risk of nuclear war. Due to strategic malfeasance in both Kiev and the capitals of its Western backers, a significant portion of Ukraine’s eastern oblasts may now have to be ceded to Russia. But this can still lead to an effective balance of power that will result in a viable peace and lasting stability. Figuring out a way to restore energy shipments to Transnistria in the short term is an imperative for preempting a rapid deterioration in geopolitical circumstances that will undermine the prospects for such a peace, as well as degrading the United States’ geopolitical position. As Trump takes over the mess handed to him by the Biden administration, this is yet one more factor that must be considered as he attempts to restore some semblance of a national interest–based foreign policy. The post The Brewing Eastern European Crisis appeared first on The American Conservative.
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AllSides - Balanced News
AllSides - Balanced News
1 y

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Sen. Tuberville to Newsmax: Don't Give California Wildfire Aid

Sen. Tommy Tuberville, R-Ala., told Newsmax Monday California should not receive federal wildfire aid unless the state vows to change its ways. “They got 40 million people in that state and they are voting these imbeciles in office,” Tuberville said on “The Chris Salcedo Show.” “They are just overwhelmed by these inner cities woke policies with the people that vote for them.” The wildfires have killed 24 people since tearing through Los Angeles over the past week. Tuberville said he feels bad...
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Judge Allows Release of Half of Special Counsel’s Report on Trump Cases

A federal judge in Florida cleared the way on Monday for the Justice Department to soon release a portion of a report written by the special counsel, Jack Smith, detailing the decisions he made in charging President-elect Donald J. Trump with plotting to overturn his loss in the 2020 election.
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SoCal Edison blamed in a lawsuit for starting one of the Los Angeles fires

Southern California Edison, the electrical utility for Los Angeles, has been sued for its alleged role in starting one of the raging Los Angeles fires that have collectively killed at least 24 people and displaced tens of thousands. Jeremy Gursey, whose house in the Altadena neighborhood was destroyed in the Eaton Fire, claimed in a lawsuit filed in LA County Superior Court Monday SCE was responsible for starting the fire – an allegation SCE has repeatedly denied. Local officials also said...
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Robust US economy may not need Trump's big reforms

WASHINGTON, Jan 13 (Reuters) - U.S. President-elect Donald Trump campaigned on promises of aggressive import tariffs, strict immigration curbs, deregulation and smaller government, but the economy he inherits next week may be screaming for something different. Namely, don't break anything. With output expanding above trend, the labor market near maximum employment and adding jobs, and the embers of inflation still smoldering, Trump may be launching his promised reforms into...
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1 y

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All eyes on Hegseth nomination hearing

Get ready for a show as Pete Hegseth, President-elect Trump’s controversial pick to lead the Pentagon, will head back to Capitol Hill on Tuesday for his confirmation hearing. Hegseth, a former Fox News host, will appear before the Senate Armed Services Committee having met previously with numerous Republican senators on the panel but only one Democrat in the weeks since Trump on Nov. 12 first announced his intended pick to lead the Defense Department.
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1 y

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Bills Aim To Stop Big Tech, Big Government From Silencing Speech Again

Sen. Eric Schmitt, R-Mo., was among the first to see evidence of what many Americans suspected: Big Tech colluding with the Biden administration to silence speech. Now he’s reintroducing legislation to hold government bureaucrats and social media giants accountable for their sins of omission.  The Missouri Republican, who was attorney general of the Show Me State in 2022, joined with then-Louisiana AG Jeff Landry in suing the federal government for pushing social...
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