YubNub Social YubNub Social
    #freespeech #virginia #astronomy #nightsky #deepstate #novac #terrorism #trafficsafety #underneaththestars #treason #stargaze #assaultcar #carviolence #stopcars #crockettpark
    Advanced Search
  • Login
  • Register

  • Night mode
  • © 2025 YubNub Social
    About • Directory • Contact Us • Developers • Privacy Policy • Terms of Use • shareasale • FB Webview Detected • Android • Apple iOS • Get Our App

    Select Language

  • English
Install our *FREE* WEB APP! (PWA)
Night mode toggle
Community
New Posts (Home) ChatBox Popular Posts Reels Game Zone Top PodCasts
Explore
Explore
© 2025 YubNub Social
  • English
About • Directory • Contact Us • Developers • Privacy Policy • Terms of Use • shareasale • FB Webview Detected • Android • Apple iOS • Get Our App
Advertisement
Stop Seeing These Ads

Discover posts

Posts

Users

Pages

Blog

Market

Events

Games

Forum

YubNub News
YubNub News
1 y

What Are Mothers For?
Favicon 
yubnub.news

What Are Mothers For?

What Are Children For? by Rachel Wiseman and Anastasia Berg, St. Martin’s Press, 336 pages, June 2024 Rachel Wiseman’s mother always knew she wanted to have children. Wiseman, meanwhile, only arrived…
Like
Comment
Share
YubNub News
YubNub News
1 y

Why Self-interest May Stop the Mideast Blow-Up
Favicon 
yubnub.news

Why Self-interest May Stop the Mideast Blow-Up

The Middle East has been on tenterhooks over the last two weeks. Israel’s assassinations of the senior Hezbollah commander Fuad Shukr in Beirut and the Hamas political chief Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran,…
Like
Comment
Share
YubNub News
YubNub News
1 y

Ilhan Omar Wins Against Moderate Challenger In Key Primary
Favicon 
yubnub.news

Ilhan Omar Wins Against Moderate Challenger In Key Primary

Readers, Instead of sucking up to the political and corporate powers that dominate America, The Daily Caller is fighting for you — our readers. We humbly ask you to consider joining us in this fight.…
Like
Comment
Share
YubNub News
YubNub News
1 y

Democrats are the Biggest Danger to the Constitution
Favicon 
yubnub.news

Democrats are the Biggest Danger to the Constitution

We have reached that point in the election cycle where people begin to tell us it is conservative to vote for Vice President Kamala Harris or express astonishment that Republicans…
Like
Comment
Share
Science Explorer
Science Explorer
1 y

Hopeful Parkinson's Study Shows Risk of Dementia Is Lower Than Feared
Favicon 
www.sciencealert.com

Hopeful Parkinson's Study Shows Risk of Dementia Is Lower Than Feared

Good news.
Like
Comment
Share
Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
1 y

Why Self-interest May Stop the Mideast Blow-Up
Favicon 
www.theamericanconservative.com

Why Self-interest May Stop the Mideast Blow-Up

Foreign Affairs Why Self-interest May Stop the Mideast Blow-Up No party would be served by all-out war. Credit: image via Shutterstock The Middle East has been on tenterhooks over the last two weeks. Israel’s assassinations of the senior Hezbollah commander Fuad Shukr in Beirut and the Hamas political chief Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran, which occurred less than 24 hours apart, were operational successes demonstrating the reach, lethality, and capability of Israel’s security services. Yet the killings of these two high-profile figures have generated extreme concern about the prospects of a full-blown war erupting between Israel and the United States on the one hand and Iran and its regional proxies on the other. According to the conventional wisdom, it’s only a matter of time before Iran and Hezbollah retaliate against Israel militarily. Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has reportedly given the order to strike. Hezbollah Secretary-general Hassan Nasrallah has done the same. In Israel, people have been told to prepare for an imminent, large-scale attack by stockpiling necessities. The United States, meanwhile, has ordered more military assets to the region, including additional F-22 and F/A-18 fighter aircraft, to deter Iran and assist Israel’s defenses. Is the Middle East on the precipice of a regional conflict? While no official or analyst can say with absolute certainty, there are cold-hearted, self-interested reasons why the major players involved would want to shy away from it.  Iran, for example, will have to think long and hard before it engages in a war with Israel. The fact that nearly two weeks have passed since Haniyeh’s assassination suggests that the Iranian government is still very much deliberating its options and is aware that a mistake could result in catastrophic blowback. There appears little doubt that Tehran will respond in some way; Haniyeh’s killing was a highly public embarrassment for the Iranian security services, coming only a few hours after the Hamas official attended the inauguration ceremony of Iran’s newly-elected President Masoud Pezeshkian. The Israelis managed to kill Haniyeh by sneaking a bomb into the exact room of the Iranian guesthouse he was staying in. Doing nothing after such a monumental security lapse isn’t an option; it would likely embolden Israel to pursue more of these operations in the future. But going overboard isn’t an option either. The scope and duration of any retaliation will have to be specifically tailored because Tehran frankly cannot afford a war with a superior adversary right now. In April, after an Israeli strike against an Iranian consulate building in Syria, the Iranians launched approximately 300 drones and missiles toward Israel, the first direct attack from Iran of its kind. Yet that operation was highly choreographed and telegraphed well in advance, probably on purpose, to limit the damage to civilians and minimize the chances of a huge Israeli counterattack. It worked; the vast majority of the drones and missiles were shot down, the damage was insignificant and Israel’s retaliation was limited to destroying an Iranian air defense radar installation.  Iran didn’t want to spark a wider war with Israel in April. Notwithstanding Israel’s successful covert operation on Iranian soil (which wasn’t the first), it is highly unlikely that Iran wants to spark a wider war today. First, while Iran could do significant human and material damage to Israel in the event of a full-scale conflict, particularly by leveraging its proxies, Iran is still by far the inferior party in terms of conventional military power. The Iranian armed forces haven’t fought a conventional conflict in more than 40 years—and the last time it did, against Saddam Hussein’s Iraq, the result was an eight-year campaign that ended in a draw. Israel could do markedly more damage to Iran than Iran could do to Israel.  Iran also can’t assume that Israel would fight alone if things got out of hand. It’s difficult to envision the United States, still the world’s foremost military superpower, sitting out of any Iran–Israel war. For Iranian officials to assume otherwise would be a dangerous gamble on their part. The U.S., after all, was integral in creating a military coalition on the fly, which included France, the United Kingdom, Jordan and Saudi Arabia, to neutralize Iran’s attack on Israel in April. All of this will undoubtedly weigh on Khamenei’s mind. Despite his dogmatic rhetoric, the supreme leader is concerned with one thing above all else: preserving the Islamic Republic. Hezbollah, too, has reasons for restraining its worst impulses.  For the last 10 months, Israel and Hezbollah have been firing on one another’s positions within the Israel–Lebanon border region. Tens of thousands of civilians have been displaced on both sides of the U.N.-demarcated Blue Line, turning most of the area into a de facto military zone. Israel’s operation against Shukr was notable not just because of who was targeted but where it took place—in Dahiya, the highly-populated suburb in Beirut that serves as Hezbollah’s headquarters. It was a direct violation to the unwritten rules of the game. Although a coordinated strike against Israeli security installations in a major population center like Tel Aviv can’t be ruled out, Hezbollah has little to gain and much to lose if it starts becoming indiscriminate. This isn’t conjecture; Hezbollah has first-hand experience in how devastating an Israeli military campaign can be. In July 2006, Hezbollah launched an attack against an Israeli patrol along the Israel–Lebanon border, killing two Israeli soldiers and capturing three others. Israel’s response was ferocious, a 34-day offensive that blockaded Lebanon’s ports, killed hundreds of Hezbollah fighters and destroyed much of the country’s infrastructure. Two weeks after a ceasefire was signed, Nasrallah admitted publicly that he never would have authorized the attack on the Israeli soldiers if he knew it would lead to a war. Granted, today’s Hezbollah is far stronger militarily than it was in 2006. The group is the strongest bloc in Lebanon’s dysfunctional political system, rules southern Lebanon as its own mini-state, and possesses so many missiles that it could overwhelm Israel’s air defense system. Yet the fundamental question still remains: Does a war with Israel at this time serve Hezbollah’s interests? Given the stiff Israeli retaliation that would ensue and the extensive harm its own support base and the country in general would suffer—Lebanon’s economy has already contracted by two-thirds since 2018 while its poverty rate has tripled over the last ten years—the answer would seem to be no. It’s not in Israel’s national interest to embark on a war either. For one thing, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) still have their hands full against Hamas in Gaza. Although Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu frequently invokes the IDF’s tactical successes, Israeli troops are still conducting raids and offensives in some of the same cities they previously withdrew from. The IDF is so low on munitions that there’s question as to whether it could execute a multi-front war even if it wanted to, something Israel hasn’t done since 1973. None of this even begins to account for the civilian casualties, infrastructure damage, and economic contraction such a war would produce. Preventing an Israel–Iran or Israel–Hezbollah war that could engulf the entire Middle East won’t be a smooth process. It’s especially difficult when the immediate parties don’t have diplomatic relations or any direct ways of communicating redlines to each other. But if rationality prevails over emotionalism, there are good reasons to believe the region and the roughly 50,000 U.S. troops stationed there can escape a conflagration. The post Why Self-interest May Stop the Mideast Blow-Up appeared first on The American Conservative.
Like
Comment
Share
Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
1 y

What Are Mothers For?
Favicon 
www.theamericanconservative.com

What Are Mothers For?

Books What Are Mothers For?  Despite their best efforts, Rachel Wiseman and Anastasia Berg conclude that children—and motherhood—are good on their own terms. Credit: image via Shutterstock What Are Children For? by Rachel Wiseman and Anastasia Berg, St. Martin’s Press, 336 pages, June 2024 Rachel Wiseman’s mother always knew she wanted to have children. Wiseman, meanwhile, only arrived at the same conclusion after a winding personal odyssey, one that involved soul-searching “Motherhood: Is It For Me?” classes, reading a lot of “motherhood ambivalence” autofiction and feminist literature, and finally, watching her friend, Anastasia Berg, go through it. Together, Berg and Wiseman wrote What Are Children For? to parse the titular question and the uncertainty with which the majority of their millennial generation approaches it today.  Berg, an assistant professor of philosophy at the University of California, Irvine, and Wiseman, managing editor of The Point magazine, are keen to establish with their readers their progressive chops: These women are not conservative, nor are they pro-natalist, and their argument for having children does not come from a place of concern for low birth rates. They are two thoroughly modern millennial women, wrestling with how to justify having children in a world which, by their estimation, is wracked with climate concerns, financial instability and inequality, and attacks on “women’s reproductive freedom,” also known as the abortion industry. Moreover, as the popularity of motherhood ambivalence fiction attests, countless women of Berg and Wiseman’s own ilk—progressive, 30-something college graduates—are hopelessly undecided on the subject of having a family and looking for answers. (The answers in motherhood ambivalence autofiction are more or less the same: The first few weeks of motherhood are horrifying, and the rest is never discussed.)  It is not enough, then, for Berg and Wiseman to say that children are worth it for their own sake: “Having children is steadily becoming an unintelligible practice of questionable worth… the old frameworks… no longer seem to apply. And the new ones provide us with hardly any answers at all,” they write. To answer the question satisfactorily for their audience requires examining why millennials are hesitant to commit to kids, and answer the prevailing arguments of feminism, fiction, and climate change which many use to defend their ambivalence.  Climate change, however, quickly turns out to be a very unconvincing argument against children for most women. Mostly, women’s fears of family coalesce around the idea that children will directly and negatively harm their career, and by consequence their hard-earned sense of self, since job and self-identity are deeply entwined for the millennial cohort. Compounding this is the newer phenomenon of “slow love,” or the practice of protracting each phase of a romantic relationship over years—couples now commonly text for months before even making it to a first date, and move in together for years before considering engagement—as a means of caution. Of course, this slow burn doesn’t just mean women are well past their fertile prime before they think about kids, but that many find themselves several years into a relationship before discovering they want children and their partner does not. Another hurdle is plain selfishness: Several interview subjects told Berg and Wiseman “they would be more receptive to the idea of children if only they could guarantee that having kids would not jeopardize the things that really mattered to them”—such as unlimited free time, traveling, or sleeping in. As the authors note, “birth rates by and large correlate negatively with income.” For those for whom such a luxurious lifestyle is not an option, the sacrifices of child rearing are far less consequential. The problem which modern women are encountering is at its root a problem of separating children from romantic relationships: To marry a man because you want to have his children is, somehow, convoluted and wrong, a perversion of the modern romantic trajectory. This is not a 21st century idea, but one which stems from the feminist tradition of treating motherhood as antagonistic to a woman’s full personhood. While the idea was calcified by Simone de Beauvoir, the majority of feminist thinkers treated the biological realities of womanhood as something to be overcome in order to reach complete self-determination. (Beauvoir herself recognized the transcendent qualities of motherhood, but called it a lesser form of freedom since it was not something a woman did for herself.) “That only some but not other human beings are naturally endowed with the ability to support the development of an embryo in pregnancy…has historically been understood to underlie many, probably most, of the disparities that characterize the lives of women and men,” Berg and Wiseman write. True freedom, as Shulamith Firestone and Sophie Lewis would each later argue, requires a complete separation of motherhood from womanhood.  One does not need to read about the now medically-sanctioned phenomenon of “chestfeeding” to sense that the separation of womanhood from motherhood has effectively come about. The most commonly cited reason for egg freezing, according to women surveyed, is not to delay motherhood for a career, but to “separate child bearing from relationship success or failure,” according to Berg and Wiseman. That the question of having a child is so unknowable to millennial women testifies to this fact too: How indeed is a woman to know if she wants to be a mother if she does not know what motherhood means? Wiseman describes the vocation as “coming naturally to my mother,” but by this she simply means her mom could organize schedules effectively, both those of her children and of “a rotating cast of nannies and babysitters.” Unsurprisingly, this image does not inspire Wiseman to mimic it.  “Is the capacity to give birth a source of power and meaning, or is motherhood a cumbersome, potentially torturous, and at any rate unnecessary and overrated experience?” Berg and Wiseman ask. This becomes a central question for the authors as they plumb the murky depths of autofiction, a genre characterized by fictionalized narratives of its authors’ own lives. The popular subgenre of “motherhood ambivalence literature” typically follows a single woman’s internal monologue as she muses over whether to have a child; the stories often culminate in an unplanned pregnancy or the drama of birth, and rarely consider any voice besides the author/narrator’s to be authoritative. Presumably, the point is that the author must find the answer to her question deep within herself, but as Berg and Wiseman note, “the deeper we go into the recesses of our narrators’ minds, the less we can tell what they are like and who they are.”   If motherhood is meaningful, its meaning is not found in a void. A child is created through the closest type of communion between a man and a woman, assisted reproductive technology notwithstanding. Berg and Wiseman seem to recognize this instinctively: Wiseman condemns both the motherhood ambivalence class she attends and much of the motherhood ambivalence autofiction she reads for their attempts to abstract the question of whether to have children from every external factor, such as whether a woman has a husband, or any marriage prospects whatsoever, and whether said male has any interest in creating life with her. But when it comes to her own decision to have children, the reader is given no context: Wiseman says she is pursuing IVF. With a husband, boyfriend, or anonymous sperm donor? Apparently, it doesn’t matter.  In their final philosophical argument, the authors turn to a discussion of teleology to argue that since goodness, justice, and beauty are worth pursuing unconditionally, having children cannot be morally wrong, since it may be a way of pursuing those worthy ends. This is hardly a resounding emancipation of motherhood, but it is as close as the authors come to reinforcing children as a worthy pursuit. The choice to have a child is, ultimately, up to you: It is the most “basic way to affirm our existence,” and not immoral, but also decidedly not imperative.  We are accustomed to thin gruel from secularism, even well-intentioned secularism. After all, if Kant could not overcome the impossibility of arguing for moral behavior separate from an animating fabric of morality (what does it mean to be “good”?), it is not surprising that the dicta of liberalism can barely provide grounds to argue the choice to have a child today is not immoral. Where Berg and Wiseman land is exactly as far as two cautiously pro-child liberal feminists are allowed.  Was it this argument that ultimately turned Wiseman’s head towards family making, or was it something else? In her concluding essay on motherhood, Berg seems hesitant to admit to any delight in her young daughter Lila, but the enchantment seeps through anyway. Wiseman is also discovered in these scenes, sticking and re-sticking window clings with the two-year-old.  “To have children is to allow yourself to stand in a relationship whose essence is not determined by the benefits it confers or the prices it exacts,” Berg writes. In other words, we cannot come to this decision by a pro-con list. We must instead be moved by a love for another to engage in that creative act (which mimics that of a greater Creator). “To give life to someone else is always to give away something of your own and to saddle yourself with a love—yours, theirs—that can be almost unbearable. A child’s life comes at the cost of yours,” Berg writes. She does not seem to be calling this a bad thing. The post What Are Mothers For? appeared first on The American Conservative.
Like
Comment
Share
Conservative Voices
Conservative Voices
1 y

Democrats are the Biggest Danger to the Constitution
Favicon 
www.theamericanconservative.com

Democrats are the Biggest Danger to the Constitution

Politics Democrats are the Biggest Danger to the Constitution A Kamala Harris presidency threatens the roots of American order. Credit: image via Shutterstock We have reached that point in the election cycle where people begin to tell us it is conservative to vote for Vice President Kamala Harris or express astonishment that Republicans are voting for the former President Donald Trump—even Republicans who are aware of his flaws, given the options that are actually on the ballot this year. There was an extended period of time when I stopped voting for Republican presidential candidates because I thought they increased the risk of disastrous, no-win wars in the Middle East. Even Trump heightens the chances of war with Iran more than I’m entirely comfortable with, but my sense is that he would prefer to go down in history as an international dealmaker and his instincts, in this area at least, are less bellicose than the available alternatives. But I was never one to pretend that increasingly progressive Democrats were actually conservative. Occasionally, a Jim Webb would come around who combined some latent conservative tendencies with sensible foreign-policy views. More often, Democrats would give us candidates who voted for the Iraq War, as did then-Senator Joe Biden and both senators on the ticket they ran against George W. Bush in 2004. January 6 was a national disgrace and embarrassment, a dangerous event even if not quite for the reasons many of those who make it central to their political identity claim. Yet my view is that the Iraq War represents the nadir of American political leadership in the last quarter century, which leads me to see both the stakes of the election and international conflicts like the Russia-Ukraine war differently than the small but vocal group of Harris-voting conservatives.  But anything Trump attempts will be opposed by major national institutions—from the press, to the courts, to the people with the biggest media megaphones—with a ferocity and near-unanimity that nothing Harris does will come close to eliciting. Let’s start with a perfectly benign example. When Trump proposes an end to the taxation of tips, there is a rush of news stories about the lost revenue and unintended consequences. When Harris copies him, with the support of the Biden White House, sometimes even the same media outlets treat it as just another policy proposal. What little we know of Harris’s platform is hostile to constitutional government as it presently exists. She has endorsed Biden’s proposed Supreme Court reforms and may be even more committed to them than he is. Taken together, they are a naked attempt to gut judicial review and constitutional checks on what a future Democratic administration would do. Anything Trump would try to do to make an unelected federal bureaucracy accountable to the elected constitutional officeholders will receive far more scrutiny. More attention will be paid to what a discarded Heritage Foundation whitepaper might mean for Trump’s power than what these reforms would do to enhance Harris’s. Democrats have been inattentive, if not outright hostile, to enumerated powers for decades. This is often justified by arguing they want to defy constitutional strictures for the public benefit, not Trumpian self-dealing. But you don’t have to worry as much about presidential immunity if presidents are limited to their enumerated powers. Sometimes the Democrats’ small-d democratic rhetoric is itself at odds with the Constitution. What they want to do is replace the current system, which requires broad consensus for most major changes to the frustration of both parties, with the ability to ram things through with the barest majorities. They can justify it in terms of one human, one vote, but it rather suspiciously maximizes the amount of power they can wield with the narrow margins by which they can actually win elections. If Harris is elected president alongside Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress, there is a good chance the Senate filibuster will be eliminated. This would allow 50 or 51 Democratic senators to deal conservatives long-term defeats on issues ranging from abortion to immigration, further consolidating their own power through a bigger federal role in elections and statehood for ultra-blue jurisdictions like Washington, D.C. All of this could have happened under Biden, but the Democratic majorities were too small. Perhaps some other Democrats in the Senate would take up the role played by Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema. Their absence from the next Congress, however, suggests probably not. The real consequences of any election result can be hard to predict. Recessions, terrorism, and pandemics can disrupt the best-laid plans. That’s why people should vote as they please. The post Democrats are the Biggest Danger to the Constitution appeared first on The American Conservative.
Like
Comment
Share
Intel Uncensored
Intel Uncensored
1 y

MAX IGAN - Fanning The Flames of World War 3
Favicon 
api.bitchute.com

MAX IGAN - Fanning The Flames of World War 3

Liberpulco Tickets: https://liberpulco.com Use the coupon "IGAN" for a 10% discount Anarchapulco Tickets: https://anarchapulco.com/ Use the coupon "IGAN" for a 10% discount https://thecrowhouse.com BitChute https://www.bitchute.com/channel/TheCrowhouse/ Odysee: https://odysee.com/@thecrowhouse:2 Rumble: https://rumble.com/c/c-4683704 VigilanteTV: https://vigilante.tv/c/the_crowhouse/ FreedomTube https://tube.freedom.buzz/channel/thecrowhouse CloutHub: https://clouthub.com/c/thecrowhouse Liberpulco Tickets: https://liberpulco.com Use the coupon "IGAN" for a 10% discount Anarchapulco Tickets: https://anarchapulco.com/ Use the coupon "IGAN" for a 10% discount https://thecrowhouse.com BitChute https://www.bitchute.com/channel/TheCrowhouse/ Odysee: https://odysee.com/@thecrowhouse:2 Rumble: https://rumble.com/c/c-4683704 VigilanteTV: https://vigilante.tv/c/the_crowhouse/ FreedomTube https://tube.freedom.buzz/channel/thecrowhouse CloutHub: https://clouthub.com/c/thecrowhouse Fundraiser for my friend Nedal in Gaza https://www.gofundme.com/f/4-generations-of-palestinian-family-live-in-shack A lookback at the Zionist terrorism that led to Israel’s creation https://www.trtworld.com/magazine/a-lookback-at-the-zionist-terrorism-that-led-to-israels-creation-15767166 Goyim Flyers https://www.gtvflyers.com/ Anarchapulco Virtual Replay https://cdn.dollarvigilante.com/slpg-2024-anarchapulco-virtual?utm_source=jeff&utm_medium=video&utm_campaign=anarchapulco-virtual Max Igan en Español https://www.bitchute.com/channel/maxiganenespanol/ https://odysee.com/@MaxIganenEspa%C3%B1ol:5 Biometric Update https://www.biometricupdate.com/ Guide to Forming Communities Spanish Edition http://thecrowhouse.com/Documents/Guide%20to%20Forming%20Communities%20Spanish%20Edition.pdf Commonwealth of Australia States Assembly https://commonwealthofaustraliastatesassembly.com/ "The illusion of freedom will continue for as long as it's profitable to continue the illusion. At the point where the illusion becomes too expensive to maintain, they will take down the scenery, move the tables and chairs out of the way, then they will pull back the curtains and you will see the brick wall at the back of the theater." - Frank Zappa “The past was erased, the erasure was forgotten, the lie became the truth." - George Orwell “There is more stupidity than hydrogen in the universe, and it has a longer shelf life.” ― Frank Zappa "A single person who stops lying can bring down a tyranny" Alexandr Solzhenitsyn TURN OFF YOUR TELEVISION!!! THROW AWAY YOUR SMART PHONE!!!
Like
Comment
Share
Intel Uncensored
Intel Uncensored
1 y

The National Socialist Book Burnings 1933 - The Truth
Favicon 
api.bitchute.com

The National Socialist Book Burnings 1933 - The Truth

The book burnings during Hitler's reign are frequently mentioned, but never WHAT they banned or WHY, it's time to delve deeper into the subject. They're never discussed in detail, only a quick mention in history books as if it was a huge evil during the National Socialist reign. But was it so bad? Let's find out the truth. This video is NON-POLITICAL, obviously, I have an opinion like everyone does, but I did try to simply present the facts as they are here without inserting my own opinion, if it didn't come off that way, I apologize but I did try to state the fact several times. I understand why this is a sensitive topic, as if anything relating to the period. Patreon : / zoomerhistorian Telegram: https://t.me/zoomerhistorian YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@ZoomerHistorian UTL COMMENT:- "History is a pack of lies about events that never happened told by people who weren't there."
Like
Comment
Share
Showing 58160 out of 96143
  • 58156
  • 58157
  • 58158
  • 58159
  • 58160
  • 58161
  • 58162
  • 58163
  • 58164
  • 58165
  • 58166
  • 58167
  • 58168
  • 58169
  • 58170
  • 58171
  • 58172
  • 58173
  • 58174
  • 58175
Advertisement
Stop Seeing These Ads

Edit Offer

Add tier








Select an image
Delete your tier
Are you sure you want to delete this tier?

Reviews

In order to sell your content and posts, start by creating a few packages. Monetization

Pay By Wallet

Payment Alert

You are about to purchase the items, do you want to proceed?

Request a Refund